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by Kurt Johmann
I, Kurt Johmann, the author and copyright owner, grant freely, without charge, the following permission: You have the nonexclusive right to use any part or parts, up to and including the entire text, of The Computer Inside You, 11th edition (the “Book”), for any commercial or noncommercial use, including the production of derivative works of any kind including translations, thruout the world, in all languages, in all media, whether now known or hereinafter invented, for the full term of copyright, provided that the use does not involve plagiarism of the text of the Book, and provided that the use does not materially misrepresent or distort the text of the Book.
|September 9, 2006||
Email: Kurt Johmann
This book proposes in detail an old idea: that the universe is a virtual reality generated by an underlying network of computing elements. In particular, this book uses this reality model to explain the otherwise unexplained: ESP, afterlife, mind, UFOs and their occupants, organic development, and such.
Kurt Johmann was born November 16, 1955, in Elizabeth, New Jersey, USA. He obtained a BA in computer science from Rutgers University in 1978. From 1978 to 1988 he worked first as a systems analyst and then as a PC software developer. He entered graduate school in August 1988. In December 1989 he received an MS, and in May 1992 a PhD, both in computer science from the University of Florida. He has since returned to software development work—taking time as needed to work on this book. He lives in Gainesville, Florida.
At the time of Isaac Newton’s invention of the calculus in the 17th century, the mechanical clock was the most sophisticated machine known. The simplicity of the clock allowed its movements to be completely described with mathematics. Newton not only described the clock’s movements with mathematics, but also the movements of the planets and other astronomical bodies. Because of the success of the Newtonian method, a mathematics-based model of reality resulted.
In modern times, a much more sophisticated machine than the clock has appeared: the computer. A computer includes a clock but has much more, including programmability. Because of its programmability, the actions of a computer are arbitrarily complex. Assuming a complicated program, the actions of a computer cannot be described in any useful way with mathematics.
To keep pace with this advance from the clock to the computer, civilization should upgrade its thinking and adjust its model of reality accordingly. This book is an attempt to help smooth the transition from the old conception of reality—that allowed only mathematics to describe particles and their interactions—to a computer-based conception of reality.
A reality model is a means for understanding the universe as a whole. Based on the reality model one accepts, one can classify things as either possible or impossible.
The reality model of 20th-century science is the mathematics-only reality model. This is a very restrictive reality model that rejects as impossible any particle whose interactions cannot be described with mathematical equations.
If one accepts the mathematics-only reality model, then there is no such thing as an afterlife, because according to that model a man only exists as the composite form of the simple mathematics-obeying common particles composing that man’s brain—and death is the permanent end of that composite form. For similar reasons the mathematics-only reality model denies and declares impossible many other psychic phenomena.
The approach taken in this book is to assume that deepest reality is computerized. Instead of, in effect, mathematics controlling the universe’s particles, computers control these particles. This is the computing-element reality model. This model is presented in detail in chapter 1.
With particles controlled by computers, particles can behave in complicated, intelligent ways. Thus, intelligent particles are a part of the computing-element reality model. And with intelligent particles, psychic phenomena, such as the afterlife, are easy to explain.
Of course, one can object to the existence of computers controlling the universe, because, compared to the mathematics-only reality model—which conveniently ignores questions about the mechanism behind its mathematics—the computing-element reality model adds complexity to the structure of deepest reality. However, this greater complexity is called for by both the scientific and other evidence presented in this book.
This chapter presents the computing-element reality model. The chapter sections are:
The world is composed of particles. The visible objects that occupy the everyday world are aggregates of particles. This fact was known by the ancients: a consequence of seeing large objects break down into smaller ones.
Particles that are not composed of other particles are called elementary particles. Philosophically, one must grant the existence of elementary particles at some level, to avoid an infinite regress.
For the physics known as quantum mechanics, the old idea of the continuous motion of particles—and the smooth transition of a particle’s state to a different state—is replaced by discontinuous motion and discontinuous state changes. A particle moves in discrete steps (for example, the movement of an electron to a different orbital), and a particle’s state changes in discrete steps (for example, the change of a photon’s spin).
For the particles studied by physics, the state of a particle is the current value of each attribute of that particle. A few examples of particle attributes are position, velocity, and mass. For certain attributes, each possible value for that attribute has an associated probability: the probability that that particle’s state will change to that value. The mathematics of quantum mechanics allows computation of these probabilities, thereby predicting certain state changes.
Various physics experiments, such as the double-slit experiments done with electrons and also neutrons, contradict the old idea that a particle is self-existing independent of everything else. For the particles studied by physics, these experiments show that the existence of a particle, knowable only thru observation, is at least partly dependent on the structure of the observing system.
Other physics experiments, such as the EPR experiments that test Bell’s theorem, demonstrate that widely separated particles can simultaneously, synchronously change state. Given the distance between the particles and the extent to which the synchronous state changes are measured as being simultaneous, it appears necessary that an instantaneous much-faster-than-lightspeed communication is involved in coordinating these synchronous state changes for the widely separated particles.
In summary, physics places the following three constraints on any reality model of the universe:
A particle moves in discrete steps, and a particle’s state changes in discrete steps.
Thus, as a particle moves from some point A to some point B, that particle occupies, at most, only a finite number of different positions between those two points, instead of an infinite number of different positions.
Similarly, as a particle changes state, from some state A to some state B, there are, at most, only a finite number of different in-between states, instead of an infinite number of different in-between states.
Self-existing particles—that have a reality independent of everything else—do not exist.
Instantaneous communication occurs.
Although I do not know the actual speed of this instantaneous communication, it is at least 20 billion times the speed of light.
 The force of gravity is an example of instantaneous communication. Astronomer Tom Van Flandern computes a lower-bound on the speed of gravity as being not less than 20 billion times the speed of light (2x1010c). (Van Flandern, Tom. The speed of gravity—What the experiments say. Physics Letters A, volume 250 (21 December 1998): pp. 1–11)
Van Flandern’s article also debunks both Special Relativity and General Relativity, which are two physical theories that have been dominant in the 20th century, more for political reasons than reasons of merit.
Similarly, the Big Bang is a physical theory that has been dominant in the 20th century, for political reasons instead of reasons of merit. See my essay, Big-Bang Bunk (at http://www.johmann.net/essays/big-bang-bunk.html).
Note that the computing-element reality model that is detailed in the remainder of this chapter is not dependent on the truth or falsity of any particular physical theory, because any physical theory that is useful can be computed (section 1.5).
Although the computing-element reality model does not depend on specific physical theories, the model can be helpful in constructing physical theories. For example, consider the fact that time slows for an object as that object moves faster. Given the computing-element reality model, one can suggest, for example, that the faster an object moves thru the array of computing elements (section 1.2), the more that the available computing time is being devoted to moving that object, with less computing time available for interacting that object’s particles with each other and with the outside environment. Thus, if the object is a clock, then that clock runs more slowly, because all of that clock’s particles are moving more slowly relative to each other.
In general, the computing-element reality model provides a framework in which physics can use algorithms to explain physical phenomena, instead of limiting itself to using only mathematics.
Another example of where the computing-element reality model can be helpful in constructing physical theories is the current assumption by physics that the force of gravity extends out to infinity. In the computing-element reality model there are no infinities; everything is finite and discrete. Thus, the force of gravity extends out to a finite distance not an infinite distance. Tom Van Flandern and others have already proposed a finite range for the force of gravity as the explanation for the observed rotational velocities of stars relative to the galactic center as seen in our own galaxy and other galaxies. More specifically, Van Flandern says:
It is an observed fact that the rotational velocities of the stars in galaxies are nearly constant (sometimes even slightly increasing) at all distances well away from their centers, even out to the edges of visible matter at enormous distances from the galaxy centers. … It seems likely that this is caused by the limited range of gravity. The pattern of velocity drop-off in galaxies, and the fact that galaxy rotation curves go flat about 4 or so kiloparsecs from the [galactic] center for widely different galaxy types, implies that [the range of the force of gravity] is about 2 kiloparsecs [which is] about 4x108 astronomical units [1 AU is the average distance between the Earth and the Sun], or 6x1016 [kilometers]. [Van Flandern, Tom. Dark Matter, Missing Planets and New Comets. North Atlantic Books, Berkeley CA, 1993. pp. 80–81]
The computing-element reality model states that the universe’s particles are controlled by computers. Specifically, the computing-element reality model states that the universe is a vast, space-filling, three-dimensional array of tiny, identical, computing elements.
A computing element is a self-contained computer, with its own memory. Each computing element is connected to other computing elements, and each computing element runs its own copy of the same large and complex program—called the computing-element program.
Each elementary particle in the universe exists only as a block of information that is stored as data in the memory of a computing element. Thus, all particles are both manipulated as data and moved about as data by these computing elements. Consequently, the reality that people experience is a computer-generated virtual reality.,
 The question as to how these computing elements came into existence can be posed, but this line of questioning faces the problem of infinite regress: if one answers the question as to what caused these computing elements, then what caused that cause, and so on. At some point a reality model must draw the line and declare something as bedrock for which causation is not sought. For the mathematics-only reality model its bedrock is mathematics; for the computing-element reality model its bedrock is the computing element.
A related line of questioning asks what existed before the universe, and what exists outside the universe. For these two questions the term universe includes the bedrock of whichever reality model one chooses. Both questions ask, in effect, what lies outside the containing framework of reality that is defined by the given reality model. The first question assumes that something lies outside in terms of time; the second question assumes that something lies outside in terms of space.
One solution is to simply assume that nothing lies outside the containing framework of reality. Otherwise, the question of what lies outside the containing framework of reality is by definition insoluble, because one is assuming that X, whatever X is, is outside the containing framework of reality; but one can only answer as to what X is, by reference to that containing framework of reality. Thus, a contradiction.
 Thruout the remainder of this book the word particle always denotes an elementary particle. An elementary particle is a particle that is not composed of other particles. In physics, prime examples of elementary particles are electrons, quarks, and photons.
 The three-dimensional array of computing elements is, in effect, the universe and space itself. However, except in imagination it is not possible for anyone to see—with or without instruments—any part of this array of computing elements for the following reason: Because mankind and its instruments are composed of particles, and particles are data stored in computing elements, then, being only an effect of those computing elements, those particles cannot directly probe those computing elements—just as, for example, a computer program running on a personal computer cannot be written to see the microprocessor on which that program is running.
Today, computers are commonplace and the basics of programs and computers are widely known. The idea of a program is easily understood: any sequence of intelligible instructions that together order the accomplishment of some predefined work, is a program. The instructions can take any form as long as they are understandable to whatever mind or machine will follow those instructions and do the actual work. The same program has as many different representations as there are different languages in which that program can be written. Assuming a nontrivial language, any machine that can read that language and follow any program written in that language is a computer.
Given the hypothesized computing elements that lie at the deepest level of the universe, overall complexity is minimized by assuming the following:
Each computing element is structurally identical, and there is only one type of computing element.
Each computing element runs the same program—called the computing-element program—and there is only one program; each computing element runs its own copy of this program.
Each computing element can communicate with any other computing element.
Regarding communication between computing elements, a message is a block of information that is transmitted from one computing element to another. The communication topology describes how the computing elements are connected in terms of their ability to exchange messages. The speed at which messages can move across the communication topology to different computing elements is at least 20 billion times the speed of light (section 1.1).
Regarding the shape and spacing of the computing elements, the question of shape and spacing is unimportant. Whatever the answer about shape and spacing might be, there is no obvious impact on any other question of interest. From the standpoint of what is esthetically pleasing, one can imagine that the computing elements are cubes that are packed together without intervening space.
Regarding the size of the computing elements, the required complexity of the computing-element program can be reduced by reducing the maximum number of particles that a computing element simultaneously stores and manipulates in its memory. In this regard the computing-element program is most simplified if that maximum number is one. Given this maximum of one, if one then assumes that no two particles can be closer than 10–16 centimeters apart—and consequently that each computing element is a cube 10–16 centimeters wide—then each cubic centimeter of space contains 1048 computing elements.,
Regarding computing-element processing speed, it is possible to compute lower-bounds by making a few assumptions: For example, assume a computing element only needs to process a hundred-million program instructions to determine that it should transfer to a neighboring computing element an information block. In addition, assume that this information block represents a particle moving at light speed, and the distance to be covered is 10–16 centimeters. With these assumptions there are about 10–26 seconds for the transfer of the information block to take place, and this is all the time that the computing element has to process the hundred-million instructions, so the MIPS rating of each computing element is at least 1028 MIPS (millions of instructions per second). For comparison, the first edition of this book was composed on a personal computer that had an 8-MIPS 386 microprocessor.
 One can assume an economical communication topology that connects each computing element only to its nearest neighbors. In this scheme a message destined for a more distant computing element has to be transmitted to a neighbor. In turn, that neighbor routes that message to one of its neighbors, and so on, until the message is received at its ultimate destination.
In such a message-routing scheme, if the message’s routing is conditional on information held by each neighbor doing the routing, then it is not necessary that the sending computing element know exactly which computing elements should ultimately receive its message.
 In this book very large numbers and very small numbers are given in scientific notation. The exponent is the number of terms in a product of tens. A negative exponent means that 1 is divided by that product of tens. For example, 10–16 is equivalent to 1/10,000,000,000,000,000 which is 0.0000000000000001; and, for example, 3x108 is equivalent to 300,000,000.
 The value of 10–16 centimeters is used, because this is an upper-bound on the size of an electron.
Regarding the first two constraints that physics places on any reality model of the universe (section 1.1):
A particle moves in discrete steps, and a particle’s state changes in discrete steps.
This a natural consequence of the computing-element reality model, given the finite size of the computing element, and given the finite resources of the computing element. These finite resources include such things as a finite processing speed, a finite memory, and a finite register size.
Computing an infinity of different positions, or an infinity of different states, requires an infinity of time when the processing speed is finite. Thus, in the computing-element reality model, nothing is computed to an infinite extent. Everything is finite and discrete.
Self-existing particles—that have a reality independent of everything else—do not exist.
This is a natural consequence of the computing-element reality model, given that particles, being data, cannot exist apart from the interconnected computing elements that both store and manipulate that data.
A particle in the computing-element reality model exists only as a block of information stored as data in the memory of a computing element. The particle’s state information—which includes at least the current values of that particle’s attributes—occupies part of the information block for that particle. Assume that the information block has a field that identifies the particle’s type.
For a computing element holding a particle, i.e., holding an information block that represents a particle, additional information is stored in the computing element’s memory as needed. For example, such additional information may include from which neighboring computing element that information block was received or copied.
For a computing element holding a particle, that computing element can run that part of its program that determines how that particle will interact with the surrounding information environment found in neighboring computing elements. This surrounding information environment can be determined by exchanging messages with those neighboring computing elements. Information of interest could include the type of particles those neighboring computing elements are holding, along with relevant particle state information. The actual size of the neighborhood examined by a computing element depends on the type of particle it is holding and/or that particle’s state information.
In effect, the computing-element reality model explains personally experienced reality as a computer-generated virtual reality. Similarly, modern computers are often used to generate a virtual reality for game players. However, there is an important difference between a virtual reality generated by a modern computer and the ongoing virtual reality generated by the computing elements. From a personal perspective, the virtual reality generated by the computing elements is reality itself; the two are identical. Put another way, one inhabits that virtual reality; it is one’s reality.
For the last few centuries scientists have often remarked and puzzled about the fact that so much of the world can be described with mathematics. Physics textbooks are typically littered with equations that wrap up physical relationships in nice neat formulas. Why is there such a close relationship between mathematics and the workings of the world? This question is frequently asked.
Mathematics is, in effect, the product of computation. At its base, mathematics is counting (numbers are counts); a simple algorithm. For a reality that flows directly from an underlying computation layer—the essence of the computing-element reality model—mathematics is a natural part of that reality. A finite reality that results from finite computations is going to have relationships and patterns within it that can be quantified by equations.
Note that the high degree of order and structure in our reality is a direct reflection of the high degree of order and structure in the computing-element program. To help make this clear, imagine a simple reality-generating program that generates, in effect, nothing but noise: a sequence of random numbers. For that kind of reality, even though it is finite, the only relationship or pattern within that reality that applies over a wide area is the trivial one regarding its randomness. Thus, for example, in that reality you will not find the relationships and patterns described by the equations of our physics, such as, for example, Newton’s laws.
Regarding what the computing-element reality model allows as possible within the universe: Because all the equations of physics describing particle interactions can be computed, either exactly or approximately, everything allowed by the mathematics-only reality model is also allowed by the computing-element reality model.
The mathematics-only reality model disallows particles whose interactions cannot be expressed or explained with equations. By moving to the computing-element reality model, this limitation of the mathematics-only reality model is avoided.
 For a formal treatment of the relationship between a program and its output when given the order and structure of that output, see, for example:
Chaitin, Gregory. “Information-Theoretic Computational Complexity.” In New Directions in the Philosophy of Mathematics, Thomas Tymoczko, ed. Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1998.
 Equations that cannot be computed are useless to physics, because they cannot be validated. For physics, validation requires computed numbers that can be compared with measurements made by experiment.
A programmed computer can behave in ways that are considered intelligent. In computer science the Turing Hypothesis states that all intelligence can be reduced to a single program, running on a simple computer, and written in a simple language. The universe contains at least one example of intelligence: ourselves. The computing-element reality model offers an easy explanation for this intelligence, because all intelligence in the universe can spring from the computing elements and their program.
At this point one can make the distinction between two classes of particles: common particles and intelligent particles. Classify all the particles of physics as common particles. Prime examples of common particles are electrons, photons, and quarks. In general, a common particle is a particle with relatively simple state information, consisting only of attribute values. This simplicity of the state information allows the interactions between common particles to be expressed with mathematical equations. This satisfies the requirement of the mathematics-only reality model, so both models allow common particles.
Besides common particles, the computing-element reality model allows the existence of intelligent particles. In general, an intelligent particle is a particle whose state information is much more complex than the state information of a common particle. Specifically, besides current attribute values, the state information of an intelligent particle typically includes learned programs (section 3.6), and data used by those learned programs.
In general, given that the state information of an intelligent particle is much more complex than the state information of a common particle, and given the typical complexity of an intelligent particle’s learned programs, expressing with mathematical equations the interactions involving intelligent particles is impossible. This explains why intelligent particles are absent from the mathematics-only reality model.
Regarding the movement of a particle thru space, the most simple explanation is that this movement is a straightforward copying of that particle’s information block from one computing element to a different computing element, and then erasing the original.
This chapter presents some of the evidence that each cell is inhabited and controlled by an intelligent particle. The chapter sections are:
The bion is an intelligent particle that has no associated awareness. Assume there is one bion associated with each cell. For any bion, its association, if any, with cells and cellular activity and biology in general, depends on its specific learned programs. Depending on its learned programs, a bion can interact with both intelligent particles and common particles.
 The word bion is a coined word: bi from the word biology, and the on suffix to denote a particle.
The ability to move either toward or away from an increasing chemical concentration is a coordinated activity that many single-cell organisms can do. Single-cell animals, and bacteria, typically have some mechanical means of movement. Some bacteria use long external whip-like filaments called flagella. Flagella are rotated by a molecular motor to cause propulsion thru water. The larger single-cell animals may use flagella similar to bacteria, or they may have rows of short filaments called cilia, which work like oars, or they may move about as amebas do. Amebas move by extruding themselves in the direction they want to go.
The Escherichia coli bacterium has a standard pattern of movement when searching for food: it moves in a straight line for a while, then it stops and turns a bit, and then continues moving in a straight line again. This pattern of movement is followed until the presence of food is detected. The bacterium can detect molecules in the water that indicate the presence of food. When the bacterium moves in a straight line, it continues longer in that direction if the concentration of these molecules is increasing. Conversely, if the concentration is decreasing, it stops its movement sooner, and changes direction. Eventually this strategy gets the bacterium to a nearby food source.
Amebas that live in soil, feed on bacteria. One might not think that bacteria leave signs of their presence in the surrounding water, but they do. This happens because bacteria make small molecules, such as cyclic AMP and folic acid. There is always some leakage of these molecules into the surrounding water thru the cell membrane. Amebas can move in the direction of increasing concentration of these molecules, and thereby find nearby bacteria. Amebas can also react to the concentration of molecules that identify the presence of other amebas. The amebas themselves leave telltale molecules in the water, and amebas move in a direction of decreasing concentration of these molecules, away from each other.
The ability of a cell to follow a chemical concentration gradient is hard to explain using chemistry alone. The easy part is the actual detection of a molecule. A cell can have receptors on its outer membrane that react when contacted by specific molecules. The other easy part is the means of cell movement. Either flagella, or cilia, or self-extrusion is used. However, the hard part is to explain the control mechanism that lies between the receptors and the means of movement.
In the ameba, one might suggest that wherever a receptor on the cell surface is stimulated by the molecule to be detected, then there is an extrusion of the ameba at that point. This kind of mechanism is a simple reflexive one. However, this reflex mechanism is not reliable. Surrounding the cell at any one time could be many molecules to be detected. This would cause the cell to move in many different directions at once. And this reflex mechanism is further complicated by the need to move in the opposite direction from other amebas. This would mean that a stimulated receptor at one end of the cell would have to trigger an extrusion of the cell at the opposite end.
A much more reliable mechanism to follow a chemical concentration gradient is one that takes measurements of the concentration over time. For example, during each time interval—of some predetermined fixed length, such as during each second—the moving cell could count how many molecules were detected by its receptors. If the count is decreasing over time, then the cell is probably moving away from the source. Conversely, if the count is increasing over time, then the cell is probably moving toward the source. Using this information, the cell can change its direction of movement as needed.
Unlike the reflex mechanism, there is no doubt that this count-over-time mechanism would work. However, this count-over-time mechanism requires a clock and a memory, and a means of comparing the counts stored in memory. This sounds like a computer, but such a computer is extremely difficult to design as a chemical mechanism, and no one has done it. On the other hand, the bion, an intelligent particle, can provide these services. The memory of a bion is part of that particle’s state information.
All cells reproduce by dividing: one cell becomes two. When a cell divides, it divides roughly in half. The division of water and proteins between the dividing cell halves does not have to be exactly even. Instead, a roughly even distribution of the cellular material is acceptable. However, there is one important exception: the cell’s DNA, which is known to code the structure of individual proteins, and may contain other kinds of information. The DNA of a cell is like a single massive book. This book cannot be torn in half and roughly distributed between the two dividing cell halves. Instead, each new cell needs its own complete copy. Therefore, before a cell can divide, it must duplicate all its DNA, and each of the two new cells must receive a complete copy of the original DNA.
All multicellular organisms are made out of eucaryotic cells. Eucaryotic cells are characterized by having a well-defined cellular nucleus that contains all the cell’s DNA. Division for eucaryotic cells has three main steps. In the first step all the DNA is duplicated, and the chromosomes condense into clearly distinct and separate groupings of DNA. For a particular type of cell, such as a human cell, there are a fixed and unchanging number of condensed chromosomes formed; ordinary human cells always form 46 condensed chromosomes before dividing.
During the normal life of a cell, the chromosomes in the nucleus are sufficiently decondensed so that they are not easily seen as being separate from each other. During cell division, each condensed chromosome that forms—hereafter simply referred to as a chromosome—consists of two equal-length strands that are joined. The place where the two strands are joined is called a centromere. Each chromosome strand consists mostly of a long DNA molecule wrapped helically around specialized proteins called histones. For each chromosome, each of the two strands is a duplicate of the other, coming from the preceding duplication of DNA. For a human cell there are a total of 92 strands comprising 46 chromosomes. The 46 chromosomes comprise two copies of all the information coded in the cell’s DNA. One copy will go to one half of the dividing cell, and the other copy will go to the other half.
The second step of cell division is the actual distribution of the chromosomal DNA between the two halves of the cell. The membrane of the nucleus disintegrates, and simultaneously a spindle forms. The spindle is composed of microtubules, which are long, thin rods made of chained proteins. The spindle can have several thousand of these microtubules. Many of the microtubules extend from one half of the cell to the chromosomes, and a roughly equal number of microtubules extend from the opposite half of the cell to the chromosomes. Each chromosome’s centromere becomes attached to microtubules from both halves of the cell.
When the spindle is complete, and all the centromeres are attached to microtubules, the chromosomes are then aligned together. The alignment places all the centromeres in a plane that is oriented at a right angle to the spindle. The chromosomes are at their maximum contraction. All the DNA is tightly bound so that none will break off during the actual separation of each chromosome. The separation itself is caused by a shortening of the microtubules. In addition, in some cases the separation is caused by the two bundles of microtubules moving away from each other. The centromere, which held together the two strands of each chromosome, is pulled apart into two pieces. One piece of the centromere, attached to one chromosome strand, is pulled into one half of the cell. And the other centromere piece, attached to the other chromosome strand, is pulled into the opposite half of the cell. Thus, the DNA is equally divided between the two halves of the dividing cell.
The third step of cell division involves the construction of new membranes. Once the divided DNA has reached the two respective cell halves, a normal-looking nucleus forms in each cell half: at least some of the spindle’s microtubules first disintegrate, a new nuclear membrane assembles around the DNA, and the chromosomes become decondensed within the new nucleus. Once the two new nuclei are established, a new cell membrane is built in the middle of the cell, dividing the cell in two. Depending on the type of cell, the new cell membrane may be a shared membrane. Or the new cell membrane may be two separate cell membranes, with each membrane facing the other. Once the membranes are completed, and the two new cells are truly divided, the remains of the spindle disintegrate.
The dividing of eucaryotic cells is impressive in its precision and complexity. However, there is a special kind of cell division used to make the sex cells of most higher organisms, including man. This special division process is more complex than ordinary cell division. For organisms that use this process, each ordinary cell (ordinary in the sense of not being a sex cell) has half its total DNA from the organism’s mother, and the other half from the organism’s father. Thus, within the cell are two collections of DNA. One collection originated from the mother, and the other collection originated from the father. Instead of this DNA from the two origins being mixed, the separateness of the two collections is maintained within the cell. When the condensed chromosomes form during ordinary cell division, half the chromosomes contain all the DNA that was passed by the mother, and the other half contain all the DNA that was passed by the father. In any particular chromosome, all the DNA came from only one parent, either the mother or the father.
Regarding genetic inheritance, particulate inheritance requires that each inheritable characteristic be represented by an even number of genes. Genes are specific sections of an organism’s DNA. For any given characteristic encoded in the DNA, half the genes come from the mother, and the other half come from the father. For example, if the mother’s DNA contribution has a gene for making hemoglobin, then there is a gene for making hemoglobin in the father’s DNA contribution. The actual detail of the two hemoglobin genes may differ, but for every gene in the mother’s contribution, there is a corresponding gene in the father’s contribution. Thus, the DNA from the mother is always a rough copy of the DNA from the father, and vice versa. The only difference is in the detail of the individual genes.
Sex cells are made four-at-a-time from an original cell. The original cell divides once, and then the two newly formed cells each divide, producing the final four sex cells. The first step for the original cell is a single duplication of all its DNA. Then, ultimately, this DNA is evenly distributed among each resultant sex cell, giving each sex cell only half the DNA possessed by an ordinary nondividing cell. Then, when the male sex cell combines with the female sex cell, the then-fertilized egg has the normal amount of DNA for a nondividing cell.
The whole purpose of sexual reproduction is to provide a controlled variability of an organism’s characteristics, for those characteristics that are represented in that organism’s DNA. Differences between individuals of the same species give natural selection something to work with—allowing, within the limits of that variability, an optimization of that species to its environment. To help accomplish this variability, there is a mixed selection in the sex cell of the DNA that came from the two parents. However, the DNA that goes into a particular sex cell cannot be a random selection from all the available DNA. Instead, the DNA in the sex cell must be complete, in the sense that each characteristic specified by that organism’s DNA is specified in that sex cell, and the number of genes used to specify each such characteristic is only half the number of genes present for that characteristic in ordinary nondividing cells. Also, the order of the genes on the DNA must remain the same as it was originally—conforming to the DNA format for that species.
The mixing of DNA that satisfies the above constraints is partially accomplished by randomly choosing from the four strands of each functionally equivalent pair of chromosomes. Recall that a condensed chromosome consists of two identical strands joined by a centromere. For each chromosome that originated from the mother, there is a corresponding chromosome with the same genes that originated from the father. These two chromosomes together are a functionally equivalent pair. One of the chromosomes from each functionally equivalent pair of chromosomes is split between two of the sex cells. And the other chromosome from that pair is split between the other two sex cells. In addition to this mixing method, it would improve the overall variability if at least some corresponding sequences of genes on different chromosomes are exchanged with each other. And this exchange method is in fact used. Thus, a random exchanging of corresponding sequences of genes within a functionally equivalent pair of chromosomes, followed by a random choosing of a chromosome strand from each functionally equivalent pair of chromosomes, provides good overall variability, and preserves the DNA format for that species.
Following are the details of how the sex cells get their DNA: The original cell, as already stated, duplicates all its DNA. The same number of condensed chromosomes are formed as during ordinary cell division. However, these chromosomes are much longer and thinner than chromosomes formed during ordinary cell division. These chromosomes are stretched out, so as to make the exchanging of sequences of genes easier.
Once these condensed, stretched-out chromosomes are formed, each chromosome, in effect, seeks out the other functionally equivalent chromosome and lines up with it, so that corresponding sequences of genes are directly across from each other. Then, on average, for each functionally equivalent pair of chromosomes, several random exchanges of corresponding sequences of genes take place.
After the exchanging is done, the next step has the paired chromosomes move away somewhat from each other. However, they remain connected in one or more places. Also, the chromosomes themselves undergo contraction, losing their stretched-out long-and-thin appearance. As the chromosomes contract, the nuclear membrane disintegrates, and a spindle forms. Each connected pair of contracted chromosomes lines up so that one centromere is closer to one end of the spindle, and the other centromere is closer to the opposite end of the spindle. The microtubules from each end of the spindle attach to those centromeres that are closer to that end. The two chromosomes of each connected pair are then pulled apart, moving into opposite halves of the cell. It is random as to which chromosome of each functionally equivalent pair goes to which cell half. Thus, each cell half gets one chromosome from each pair of what was originally mother and father chromosomes, but which have since undergone random exchanges of corresponding sequences of genes.
After the chromosomes have been divided into the two cell halves, there is a delay, the duration of which depends on the particular species. During this delay—which may or may not involve the forming of nuclei and the construction of a dividing cell membrane—the chromosomes remain unchanged. After the delay, the final step begins. New spindles form—in each cell half if there was no cell membrane constructed during the delay; or in each of the two new cells if a cell membrane was constructed—and the final step divides each chromosome at its centromere. The chromosomes line up, the microtubules attach to the centromeres, and the two strands of each chromosome are pulled apart in opposite directions. Four new nuclear membranes form. The chromosomes become decondensed within each new nucleus. The in-between cell membranes form, and the spindles disintegrate. There are now four sex cells, and each sex cell contains a well-varied blend of that organism’s genetic inheritance which originated from its two parents.
 The exception to this rule, and the exception to the rules that follow, are genes and chromosomes that are sex-specific, such as the X and Y chromosomes in man. There is no further mention of this complicating factor.
 In female sex cells, four cells are made from an original cell, but only one of these four cells is a viable egg (this viable egg has most of the original cell’s cytoplasm). The other three cells are not viable eggs and they disintegrate. There is no further mention of this complicating factor.
 The idea of natural selection is that differences between individuals translate into differences in their ability to survive and reproduce. If a species has a pool of variable characteristics, then those characteristics that make individuals of that species less likely to survive and reproduce, tend to disappear from that species. Conversely, those characteristics that make individuals of that species more likely to survive and reproduce, tend to become common in that species.
A species is characterized by the ability of its members to interbreed. It may appear that if one had a perfect design for a particular species, then that species would have no need for sexual reproduction. However, the environment could change and thereby invalidate parts of any fixed design. In contrast, the mechanism of sexual reproduction allows a species to change as its environment changes.
As one can see, cell division is a complex and highly coordinated process that consists of a sequence of well-defined steps. So, can cell division itself be exclusively a chemical phenomenon? Or would it be reasonable to believe that bions are involved?
Cells are highly organized, but there is still considerable random movement of molecules, and there are regions of more or less disorganized molecules. Also, the organized internal parts of a cell are suspended in a watery gel. And no one has been able to construct, either by designing on paper or by building in practice, any computer-like control mechanisms that are made—as cells are—from groups of organized molecules suspended in a watery gel. Also, the molecular structure of cells is already known in great—albeit incomplete—detail, and computer-like control mechanisms composed of molecules have not been observed. Instead, the only major computer component seen in cells is DNA, which, in effect, is read-only memory. But a computer requires an instruction processor, which is a centralized machine that can do each action corresponding to each program instruction stored in memory. And this required computer component has not been observed in cells. Given all these difficulties for the chemical explanation, it is reasonable to conclude that for each cell a bion controls its cell-division process.
 The sequence of well-defined steps for cell division is a program. For running such a moderately complex program, the great advantage of computerization over noncomputer solutions—in terms of resource requirements—is discussed in section 3.3.
 The bion also explains the otherwise enigmatic subject of biological transmutations. Organic life is able to perform a number of different transmutations of elements into different elements, and this has been shown by many different experiments (Kervran, C. Louis. Biological Transmutations. Beekman Publishers, Woodstock NY, 1998):
In chemistry we are always referred to a law of Lavoisier’s formulated at the end of the 18th century. “Nothing is lost, nothing is created, everything is transformed.” This is the credo of all the chemists. They are right: for in chemistry this is true. Where they go wrong is when they claim that nature follows their laws: that Life is nothing more than chemistry. [Ibid., p. viii; Herbert Rosenauer]
Included among the many different examples of biological transmutations are such things as the production of calcium by hens (Ibid., pp. 15, 60–61), the production of iodine by algae (Ibid., p. 69), and the production of copper by lobsters (Ibid., pp. 120–122). In general, it appears that plants, animals, and smaller organisms such as bacteria, are all engaged in the production of certain elements.
Although there is much experimental evidence for biological transmutations, there has been no explanation within the framework of physics and chemistry. However, given the bion, biological transmutations can be explained as being done by bions.
For most multicellular organisms, the body of the organism develops from a single cell. How a single cell can develop into a starfish, tuna, honeybee, frog, dog, or man, is obviously a big question. Much research and experimentation has been done on the problems of development. In particular, there has been much focus on early development, because the transition from a single cell to a baby is a much more radical step than the transition from a baby to an adult, or from an adult to an old adult.
In spite of much research on early development, there is no real explanation of how it happens, except for general statements of what must be happening. For example, it is known that some sort of communication must be taking place between neighboring cells—and molecules are typically guessed as the information carrier—but the mechanism is unknown. In general, it is not hard to state what must be happening. However, the mathematics-only reality model allows only a chemical explanation for multicellular development, and given this restriction, there has been little progress. There is a great mass of data, but no explanation of the development mechanism.
Alternatively, given the computing-element reality model and the bion, multicellular development is explained as a cooperative effort between bions. During development, the cooperating bions read and follow as needed whatever relevant information is recorded in the organism’s DNA.
 As an analogy, consider the construction of a house from a set of blueprints. The blueprints by themselves do not build the house. Instead, a construction crew, which can read the blueprints, builds the house. And this construction crew, besides being able to read the blueprints, also has inside itself a great deal of additional knowledge and ability—not in the blueprints—needed to construct the house.
For a developing organism, its DNA are the blueprints and the organic body is the house. The organism’s bions are the construction crew. The learned programs in those bions, and associated data, are the additional knowledge and ability—not in the blueprints—needed to construct the house.
Note that at present it is not known how complete the DNA blueprints are, because the only code in DNA that has been deciphered so far is the code that specifies the structure of individual proteins. However, there is probably additional information in the DNA which is written in a language currently unknown:
So-called “junk” DNA, regions of genetic material (accounting for 97% of the human genome) that do not provide blueprints for proteins and therefore have no apparent purpose, have been puzzling to scientists. Now a new study shows that these non-coding sequences seem to possess structural similarities to natural languages. This suggests that these “silent” DNA regions may carry biological information, according to a statistical analysis of DNA fragments by researchers … [Physics News Update, American Institute of Physics, 1994, at: http://www.aip.org/enews/physnews/1994/split/pnu202-1.htm]
This chapter presents evidence that bions give the brain its intelligence. Also, the basic mechanisms by which learned programs come about are explained. The chapter sections are:
Every mammal, bird, reptile, amphibian, fish, and insect, has a brain. The brain is at the root of a tree of sensory and motor nerves, with branches thruout the body. The building block of any nervous system, including the brain, is the nerve cell. Nerve cells are called neurons. All animal life shows the same basic design for neurons. For example, a neuron from the brain of a man uses the same method for signal transmission as a neuron from a jellyfish.
Neurons come in many shapes and sizes. The typical neuron has a cell body and an axon along which a signal can be transmitted. An axon has a cylindrical shape, and resembles an electrical wire in both shape and purpose. In man, axon length varies from less than a millimeter to more than a meter in length.
A signal is transmitted from one end of the axon to the other end, as a chemical wave involving the movement of sodium ions across the axon membrane. During the wave, the sodium ions move from outside the axon to inside the axon. Within the neuron is a chemical pump that is always working to transport sodium ions to the outside of the cell. A neuron waiting to transmit a signal sits at a threshold state. The sodium-ion imbalance that exists across the axon membrane waits for a trigger to set the wave in motion. Neurons with a clearly defined axon can transmit a signal in only one direction.
The speed of signal transmission thru an axon is very slow compared to electrons moving thru an electrical wire. Depending on the axon, a signal may move at a speed of anywhere from ½ to 120 meters per second. The fastest transmission speeds are obtained by axons that have a myelin sheath: a fatty covering. The long sensory and motor nerves that connect the brain thru the spinal cord to different parts of the body are examples of myelinated neurons. In comparison to the top speed of 120 meters per second, an electrical current in a wire can move more than a million times faster. Besides speed, another consideration is how quickly a neuron can transmit a new signal. At best, a neuron can transmit roughly one thousand signals per second. One may call this the switching speed. In comparison, the fastest electrical circuits can switch more than a million times faster.
One important way that neurons differ from each other is by the neurotransmitters that they make and respond to. In terms of signal transmission, neurotransmitters are the link that connects one neuron to another. The sodium-ion wave is not directly transferred from one neuron to the next. Instead, the sodium-ion wave travels along the axon, and spreads into the terminal branches which end with synapses. There, the synapses release some of the neurotransmitter made by that neuron. The released neurotransmitter quickly reaches those neurons whose dendrites adjoin those synapses, provoking a response to that released neurotransmitter. There are three different responses: a neuron could either be stimulated to start its own sodium-ion wave or inhibited from starting its own sodium-ion wave, or a neuron could have no response.
 In the human brain there are many different neurotransmitters. Certain functionally different parts of the brain use different neurotransmitters. The subject of neurotransmitters raises the larger question of the affect of various drugs on the mind.
Although it is clear that certain chemicals affect the mind, it does not follow that the mind is a product of chemistry. As an analogy, consider the case of yourself and your physical environment: In your physical environment—including where you live, where you work, where you sleep, and so on—you are surrounded by physical objects, and you interact with many of these physical objects on a regular basis. Now, what happens when your physical environment changes? The change or changes, depending on what they are, may or may not affect you, depending on the specifics of the changes and how you normally interact with the objects in question.
Given this, is an outside observer now entitled to conclude that the part of you that produces your reactions to changes in your physical environment is the same as, or is constructed from, the objects that you are reacting to? Obviously, no. And likewise, it does not follow that just because certain changes in the chemical landscape of the brain can affect the mind, that the mind is a product of chemistry, or is composed of chemicals. Note that the brain is, in effect, the immediate physical environment in which the mind lives.
To generalize the argument: Given that object A is affected by object B, it does not logically follow that object A, or any part of object A, is composed of the same materials as object B.
Regarding psychedelic drugs (Grinspoon, Lester, and James Bakalar. Psychedelic Drugs Reconsidered. The Lindesmith Center, New York, 1997):
The fact that a simple compound like nitrous oxide as well as the complex organic molecule of a drug like LSD can produce a kind of psychedelic mystical experience suggests that the human organism has a rather general capacity to attain the state and can reach it by many different biological pathways. It should be clear that there is no simple correlation between the chemical structure of a substance and its effect on consciousness. The same drug can produce many different reactions, and the same reaction can be produced by many different drugs. [Ibid., p. 36]
Regarding psychiatric drugs (Breggin, Peter, and David Cohen. Your Drug May Be Your Problem. Perseus Books, Reading MA, 1999):
Psychiatric drugs do not work by correcting anything wrong in the brain. We can be sure of this because such drugs affect animals and humans, as well as healthy people and diagnosed patients, in exactly the same way. There are no known biochemical imbalances and no tests for them. That’s why psychiatrists do not draw blood or perform spinal taps to determine the presence of a biochemical imbalance in patients. They merely observe the patients and announce the existence of the imbalances. The purpose is to encourage patients to take drugs.
Psychiatric drugs “work” precisely by causing imbalances in the brain—by producing enough brain malfunction to dull the emotions and judgment or to produce an artificial high. [Ibid., p. 41]
It is perhaps interesting to note that just as one might react to a sudden surplus or deficit in one’s physical environment of some physical object that one uses regularly, by taking actions to return that physical object to its normal quantity and/or affect, so does one react to chemical imbalances in the brain caused by certain drugs. For example:
All four drugs [Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil, and Luvox], known as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), block the normal removal of the neurotransmitter serotonin from the synaptic cleft—the space between nerve cells. The resultant overabundance of serotonin then causes the system to become hyperactive. But the brain reacts against this drug-induced overactivity by destroying its capacity to react to stimulation by serotonin. This compensatory process is known as “downregulation.” Some of the receptors for serotonin actually disappear or die off.
To further compensate for the drug effect, the brain tries to reduce its output of serotonin. This mechanism is active for approximately ten days and then begins to fail, whereas downregulation continues indefinitely and may become permanent. Thus, we know in some detail about two of the ways in which the brain tries to counterbalance the effects of psychiatric drugs. There are other compensatory mechanisms about which we know less, including counterbalancing adjustments in other neurotransmitter systems. But, overall, the brain places itself in a state of imbalance in an attempt to prevent or overcome overstimulation by the drugs. [Ibid., p. 46]
There is ample proof that the cerebrum’s thin gray covering layer, called the cortex, is the major site for human intelligence. Beneath this cortex is the bulk of the cerebrum. This is the white matter whose white appearance is caused by the presence of fatty sheaths protecting nerve-cell fibers—much like insulation on electrical wire.
The white matter is primarily a space thru which an abundance of nerve pathways, called tracts, pass. Hundreds of millions of neurons are bundled into different tracts, just as wires are sometimes bundled into larger cables. Tracts are often composed of long axons that stretch the entire length covered by the tract.
As an example of a tract, consider the optic nerve, which leaves the back of the eye as a bundle of roughly a million axons. The supporting cell bodies of these axons are buried in the retina of the eye. The optic tract passes into the base of a thalamus, which is primarily a relay station for incoming sensory signals. There, a new set of neurons—one outgoing neuron for each incoming neuron—comprises a second optic tract, called the optic radiation. This optic radiation connects from the base of the thalamus to a wide area of cerebral cortex in the lower back of the brain.
There are three main categories of white-matter tracts, corresponding to those parts of the brain the tracts are connecting. Projection tracts connect areas of cortex with the brainstem and the thalami. Association tracts connect, on the same cerebral hemisphere, one area of cortex with a different area of cortex. Commissural tracts connect, on opposite cerebral hemispheres, one area of cortex with a different area of cortex. Altogether, there are many thousands of different tracts. It seems that all tracts in the white matter have either their origin, destination, or both, in the cortex.
The detailed structure of the cortex shows general uniformity across its surface. In any square millimeter of cortex, there are roughly 100,000 neurons. This gives a total count of roughly fifteen billion neurons for the entire human cortex. To contain this many neurons in the cortex, the typical cortex neuron is very small, and does not have a long axon. Many neurons whose cell bodies are in the cortex do have long axons, but these axons pass into the white matter as fibers in tracts. Although fairly uniform across its surface, the cortex is not uniform thru its thickness. Instead, when seen under a microscope, there are six distinct layers. The main visible difference between these layers is the shape and density of the neurons in each layer.
There is only very limited sideways communication thru the cortex. When a signal enters the cortex thru an axon, the signal is largely confined to an imaginary column of no more than a millimeter across. Different areas of widely spaced cortex do communicate with each other, but by means of tracts passing thru the white matter.
The primary motor cortex is one example of cortex function. This cortex area is in the shape of a strip that wraps over the middle of the cerebrum. As the name suggests, the primary motor cortex plays a major part in voluntary movement. This cortex area is a map of the body, and the map was determined by neurologists touching electrodes to different points on the cortex surface, and observing which muscles contracted. This map represents the parts of the body in the order that they occur on the body. In other words, any two adjacent parts of the body are motor-controlled by adjacent areas of primary motor cortex. However, the map does not draw a good picture of the body, because the body parts that are under fine control get more cortex. The hand, for example, gets about as much cortex area as the whole leg and foot. This is similar to the primary visual cortex, in which more cortex is devoted to the center-of-view than to peripheral vision.
There are many tracts carrying signals into the primary motor cortex, including tracts coming from other cortex areas, sensory tracts from the thalami, and tracts thru the thalami that originated in other parts of the brain. The incoming tracts are spread across the motor cortex strip, and the axons of those tracts terminate in cortex layers 1, 2, 3, and 4. For example, sensory-signal axons terminate primarily in layer 4. Similarly, the optic-radiation axons terminate primarily in layer 4 of the primary visual cortex.
Regarding the outgoing signals of the primary motor cortex, the giant Betz cells are big neurons with thick myelinated axons, which pass down thru the brainstem into the spinal cord. Muscles are activated from signals passed thru these Betz cells. The Betz cells originate in layer 5 of the primary motor cortex. Besides the Betz cells, there are smaller outgoing axons that originate in layers 5 and 6. These outgoing axons, in tracts, connect to other areas of cortex, and elsewhere.
Besides the primary motor cortex and the primary visual cortex, there are many other areas of cortex for which definite functions are known. This knowledge of the functional areas of the cortex did not come about from studying the actual structure of the cortex, but instead from two other methods: by electrically stimulating different points on the cortex and observing the results, and by observing individuals who have specific cortex damage.
The study of cortex damage has been the best source of knowledge about the functional areas of the cortex. Among the possible causes of localized cortex damage are head wounds, strokes, and brain tumors. The basic picture that emerges from studies of cortex damage, is that mental processing is divided into many different functional parts, and these functional parts exist at different areas of cortex.
Clustered around the primary visual cortex, and associated with it, are other cortex areas, known as association cortex. In general, association cortex borders each primary cortex area. The primary area receives the sense-signals first, and from the primary area the same sense-signals are transmitted thru tracts to the association areas.
Each association area attacks a specific part of the total problem. Thus, an association area is a specialist. For example, for the primary visual cortex there is a specific association area for the recognition of faces. If this area is destroyed, the person suffering this loss can still see and recognize other objects, but cannot recognize a face.
Some other examples of cortex areas are Wernicke’s area, Broca’s area, and the prefrontal area. When Wernicke’s area is destroyed, there is a general loss of language comprehension. The person suffering this loss can no longer make any sense of what is read or heard, and any attempt to speak produces gibberish. Broca’s area is an association area of the primary motor cortex. When Broca’s area is destroyed, the person suffering this loss can no longer speak, producing only noises. The prefrontal area is beneath the forehead. When this area is destroyed, there is a general loss of foresight, concentration, and the ability to form and carry out plans of action.
There is a great deal of wiring in the human brain done by the neurons. But what is missing from the preceding description of brain structure is any hint of what the mental mechanisms are that accomplish human intelligence. However, regardless of how the computers are composed, human intelligence is most likely accomplished by computers, for the following three reasons:
The existence of human memory implies computers, because memory is a major component of any computer. In contrast, hardwired control mechanisms—a term used here to represent any noncomputer solution—typically work without memory.
People have learning ability—even single-cell animals show learning ability—which implies the flexibility of computers using data saved in memory to guide future actions. In contrast, hardwired control mechanisms are almost by definition incapable of learning, because learning implies restructuring the hardwired, i.e., fixed, design.
A hardwired solution has hardware redundancy when compared to a functionally equivalent computers-and-programs solution. The redundancy happens because a hardwired mechanism duplicates at each occurrence of an algorithmic instruction the relevant hardware needed to execute that instruction. In effect, a hardwired solution trades the low-cost redundancy of stored program instructions, for the high-cost redundancy of hardware. Thus, total resource requirements are much greater if mental processes are hardwired instead of computerized.
Human intelligence can be decomposed into functional parts, which in turn can be decomposed into programs that use various algorithms. In general, for the purpose of guiding a computer, each algorithm must exist in a form where each elementary action of the algorithm corresponds with an elementary action of the computer. The elementary actions of a computer are known collectively as the instruction set of that computer.
Regarding the composition of the computers responsible for human intelligence, if one tries to hypothesize a chemical computer made of organic molecules suspended in a watery gel, then an immediate difficulty is how to make this computer’s instruction set powerful enough to do the actions of the many different algorithms used by mental processes. For example, how does a program add two numbers by catalyzing some reaction with a protein? If one tries to assume that instead of an instruction set similar in power to those found in modern computers, that the instruction set of the organic computer is much less powerful—that a refolding of some protein, for example, is an instruction—then one has merely transferred the complexity of the instruction set to the algorithms: instead of, for example, a single add-two-numbers instruction, an algorithm would need some large number of less-powerful instructions to accomplish the same thing.
For those who apply the mathematics-only reality model, confining themselves to a chemical explanation of mental processes, there has been little progress. As with the control mechanisms for cell movement, cell division, and multicellular development, all considered in chapter 2, there is the same problem: no one knows how to build computer-like control mechanisms satisfying cellular conditions. And the required computer component, an instruction processor, has not been observed in cells.
Alternatively, the computing-element reality model offers intelligent particles. Each neuron in the brain is a cell, and is therefore occupied by a bion. To explain the intelligence of one’s own mind, it is only necessary to assume that bions in the brain perform mental functions in addition to ordinary cell functions. Brain bions are in a perfect position to read, remember, and process the sodium-ion signals moving along their neurons from sensory sources. And brain bions are also perfectly positioned to start sodium-ion signals that transmit to motor neurons, activating muscles and causing movement.
Normal people have a rich variety of memories, including memories of sights, sounds, and factual data. Regarding memory, the whole question of memory has been frustrating for those who have sought its presence in physical substance. During much of the 20th century, there was a determined search for memory in physical substance—by many different researchers. However, these researchers were unable to localize memory in any physical substance.
An issue related to memory is the frequently heard claim that neural networks are the mechanism responsible for human intelligence—in spite of their usefulness being limited to pattern recognition. However, and regardless of usefulness, without both a neural-network algorithm and input-data preprocessing—requiring memory and computational ability—neural networks do nothing. Thus, before invoking physical neural networks to explain any part of human intelligence, memory and computational ability must first exist as part of the physical substance of the brain—which does not appear to be the case.
In the latter part of the 20th century, the most common explanation of memory is that it is stored, in effect, by relative differences between individual synapses. Although this explanation has the advantage of not requiring any memory molecules—which have not been found—there must still be a mechanism that records and retrieves memories from this alleged storage medium. This requirement of a storage and retrieval mechanism raises many questions. For example:
How does a sequence of single-bit signals along an axon—interpreting, for example, the sodium-ion wave moving along an axon and into the synapses as a 1, and its absence as a 0—become meaningfully encoded into the synapses at the end of that axon?
If memory is encoded into the synapses, then why is the encoded memory not recalled every time the associated axon transmits a signal; or, conversely, why is a memory not encoded every time the associated axon transmits a signal?
How do differences between a neuron’s synapses become a meaningful sequence of single-bit signals along those neurons whose dendrites adjoin those synapses?
The above questions have no answer. Thus, the explanation that memory is stored by relative differences between individual synapses, pushes the problem of memory elsewhere, making it worse in the process, because synapses—based on their physical structure—are specialized for neurotransmitter release, not memory storage and retrieval.
Alternatively, given bions, the location of memories is among the state information of the bions that occupy the neurons of the brain. In other words, each memory exists as part of the state information of one or more bions.
 The conscious memories of sights, sounds, and factual data, are high-level representations of memory data that have already undergone extensive processing into the forms that awareness receives (see the discussion of awareness in chapter 6).
Regarding the residence of the programs of the mind, and with the aim of minimizing the required complexity of the computing-element program, assume that the computing-element program provides various learning algorithms—such as learning by trial and error, learning by analogy, and learning by copying—which, in effect, allow intelligent particles to program themselves. Specifically, with this assumption, each program of the mind—such as the program to recognize a face—exists as part of the state information of those bions occupying that part of the brain that is the site for that program’s operation.
For reasons of efficiency, assume that the overall learning mechanism provided by the computing-element program includes a very high-level language in which learned programs are written. Then, to run a learned program, the computing-element program interprets each high-level statement of that learned program by executing the computing-element program’s own corresponding low-level functions.
Regarding the type of learning used by the brain bions to construct the various programs of the mind, at least some of the learning is copying from other minds., Once a specific learned program is established and in use by one or more bions, other bions can potentially copy that program from those bions that already have it, and then over time potentially evolve that learned program by using any of the learning methods.,
Regarding learned programs within moving particles, absolute motion thru space is the norm for particles. And as an intelligent particle moves thru space, each successive computing element that receives that intelligent particle continues running that intelligent particle’s learned programs, if any, from the point left off by the previous computing element.
 Given the discussion of rebirth in section 6.3, at least some of the various programs of the mind are simply retained from the previous life, and reused.
 Given the common observation that children typically resemble their parents, and given the more specific observation made by Arthur Schopenhauer in the 19th century—that general intelligence seems to be inherited from the mother, and personality from the father—it follows that in the typical case, there is at least some copying from the minds of both parents, before and/or after birth. More specifically, for a typical person, copied from each parent is a partial allocation plan (section 9.6) that determines to a large extent intelligence (the partial allocation plan copied from the mother) and personality (the partial allocation plan copied from the father).
Schopenhauer made another interesting observation, regarding the basis of sexual attraction: Each person has within himself an inborn mental model of what an ideal person should look like. And the extent to which that person deviates from that internal model, that is the extent to which that person will find correcting or offsetting qualities attractive in the opposite sex.
 In effect, learned programs undergo evolution by natural selection: the environment of a learned program is, at one end, the input datasets that the learned program processes; and, at the other end, the positive or negative feedback from whatever uses the output of that learned program, being either one or more learned programs in the same or other bions, and/or the soliton described in chapter 6.
It is this environment, in effect, that determines the rate of evolutionary change in the learned program. The changes themselves are made by the aforementioned learning algorithms in the computing-element program. Presumably these learning algorithms use the feedback from the users of the output of that learned program, to both control the rate of change, and to guide both the type and location of the changes made to that learned program. Within these learning algorithms, negative feedback from a soliton (described in chapter 6) probably carries the most weight in causing these algorithms to make changes.
Note that evolutionary change can include simply replacing the currently used version of a learned program, by copying a different version of that learned program, if it is available, from those bions that already have it. The sharing of learned programs among bions appears to be the rule—and, in effect, cooperative evolution of a learned program is likely.
 An example of a learned program that is widely shared is the learned program (or programs) for vision.
Although one may imagine that vision is a simple process of merely seeing the image that falls on the eye, that is not the case at all (note that the fact that we all see things alike, because we are all using the same program, adds to this illusion of simplicity). Instead, the process of human vision—converting what falls on our eyes into what we consciously see in our minds—is very complex, with many rules and algorithms (Hoffman, Donald. Visual Intelligence. W. W. Norton, New York, 1998):
Perhaps the most surprising insight that has emerged from vision research is this: Vision is not merely a matter of passive perception, it is an intelligent process of active construction. What you see is, invariably, what your visual intelligence constructs. [Ibid., p. xii]
The fundamental problem of vision: The image at the eye has countless possible interpretations. [Ibid., p. 13]
The fundamental problem of seeing depth: The image at the eye has two dimensions; therefore it has countless interpretations in three dimensions. [Ibid., p. 23]
About our senses, it isn’t just what we see that is a construction of our minds. Instead, as Hoffman says:
I don’t want to claim only that you construct what you see. I want to claim that, at a minimum, you also construct all that you hear, smell, taste, and feel. In short, I want to claim that all your sensations and perceptions are your constructions.
And the biggest impediment to buying that claim comes, I think, from touch. Most of us believe that touch gives us direct contact with unconstructed reality. [Ibid., p. 176]
To prove this idea that our sense perceptions are mental constructions, one only needs to point at experiments that show the percipient experiencing some sense perception that has no basis in physical reality. For vision, there are many different optical illusions that cause one to see something that is not in the physical image. For touch, Hoffman cites experimental results regarding an effect that was “discovered by accident in the early 1970s by Frank Geldard and Carl Sherrick” (Ibid., p. 180). These experiments consist of making during a short time interval a small number of taps at different points on a test subject’s forearm. Depending on the location and timing of the different taps, the subject will feel one or more interpolated taps at locations where no physical taps were made. For example, Hoffman describes an experiment that delivers two quick physical taps at one point, quickly followed by one physical tap at a second point, and the subject reports feeling the three taps but with the second tap lying between those two points instead of being at the first point where the actual second physical tap was made (Ibid., p. 181). As Hoffman notes, this means that the entire perception of the three taps was constructed by the mind after the three taps had happened, because the interpolated tap point is dependent on knowing both the first and second points (the two end-points for the interpolation), and this second point is only known when the third and final physical tap happens.
 It is reasonable to assume that each intelligent particle has a small mass—i.e., its mass attribute has a positive value—making an intelligent particle subject to both gravity and inertia. This assumption is consistent with how the intelligent particles currently associated with the Earth, including cell-occupying bions, stay with the Earth as it moves many kilometers per second thru space due to a combination of gravitational and inertial effects including the rotation of the Earth, the Earth’s rotation around the Sun, and the rotation of the solar system around the galactic core.
This chapter considers psychic phenomena and the related subject of meditation. The chapter sections are:
Unlike the mathematics-only reality model, the computing-element reality model is tolerant of human experience, because much more is possible in a universe with intelligent particles. For example, ESP: When an object is within the accessible information environment of a mind’s bions—the accessible information environment is all of the surrounding information environment whose content can be directly examined by a learned-program perceive statement, which one can assume is a statement in the high-level language in which learned programs are written—that object can be directly perceived by those bions. The actual selection and processing of the perception depends on the learned programs of that mind.
In contrast to the computing-element reality model, the mathematics-only reality model cannot accommodate ESP. With only common particles to work with, ESP cannot be explained, and the mathematics-only reality model states that ESP does not exist.
Besides ESP, there are many other human experiences that are denied by the mathematics-only reality model. However, these experiences are explained by the computing-element reality model. For example, psychic phenomena such as the afterlife, materialization, psychokinesis, out-of-body experiences, and communication with the dead, are all allowed by the computing-element reality model. Brief explanations follow:
An afterlife is possible, because the bions occupying the body (including the bions occupying the brain) are elementary particles. In general, the breakdown of a structure leaves intact the elementary particles composing that structure. Because human memories are stored as particle state information (the particles being bions), they too can survive the destruction of the body.
Materialization is possible, assuming that the computing-element program has learned-program statements that allow a learned program to generate into other computing elements new information blocks that represent common particles.
Psychokinesis is possible, because bions can interact with common particles. Specifically, assume there is a learned-program move statement, for moving particles to other computing elements. Other than for moving common particles, an intelligent particle can use this learned-program move statement to move itself. With its intelligent particles using the move statement for self-movement, any intelligent-particle being—such as a man projected either in a lucid dream (section 5.2) or a bion-body (section 5.3), or a Caretaker (section 7.6)—can move and “fly” about.
Out-of-body experiences are possible, assuming at least some of the bions in the brain can neglect their cell-care duties for at least a short time without causing unacceptable damage.
Communication with the dead is possible, because both an afterlife and ESP are possible. Regarding the communication channel for transferring data between intelligent particles, assume that the computing-element program has learned-program send and receive statements, that allow a learned program to send and receive data. This type of communication must always be consensual between the sender and receiver, because reception by the receiver is dependent on the receiver using the necessary receive statement to receive the data. Then, even if data is received, it can be discarded, filtered, or otherwise processed, depending on the learned programs on the receiving side. Using send and receive statements, data is transferred as a message—or, for example, as a stream of messages in the case of telepathic voice communication—from whichever computing elements contain the sending intelligent particles, to whichever computing elements contain the receiving intelligent particles.
 ESP is an acronym for extrasensory perception. Broadly, ESP is perception by psychic means. Most often, ESP refers to the ability to feel what other people are thinking or doing. An example of ESP is the commonly reported experience of feeling when one is being stared at by a stranger: upon turning around and looking, the feeling is confirmed.
Remote viewing is one consequence of ESP. The parapsychology literature has many examples of subjects “seeing” objects that are thousands of kilometers distant. Thus, the accessible information environment of a bion is a sphere with a radius of at least several thousand kilometers. More precisely, given that objects on the other side of the Earth have been remote-viewed, the accessible information environment of a bion is a sphere with a radius greater than the diameter of the Earth.
For remote viewing, “numbers and letters ... were nearly impossible to remote-view accurately” (Schnabel, Jim. Remote Viewers: The Secret History of America’s Psychic Spies. Dell Publishing, New York, 1997. p. 36). Because remote viewing is based on a scan of a volume of space, and given that numbers and letters are typically very thin layers of ink, then one likely reason for the inability to remote-view written or printed text is that the scan and associated processing is not fine enough to resolve them. Also, even if the scan were fine enough, that scan data would still have to be specifically processed for the identification of writing.
As with many other mental abilities, the ability to remote-view varies from person to person. For remote-viewer Pat Price, who seemed to be the most talented, “When he was going after a target, he could often read numbers or words on pieces of paper, or names on uniforms, ... It wasn’t easy, and he wasn’t always right, but it could be done.” (Ibid., p. 126)
Claims of time travel by remote viewers—viewing alleged past or future events—are sometimes made, but are necessarily erroneous. The computing-element reality model does not support time travel. Instead, at best, time travel can, in effect, be simulated by the mind, by applying imagination and inference to whatever data is available on the subject in question. (In general, the passage of time is due to the continued processing by the underlying network of computing elements that fill the universe. Because all particles are just a consequence of that processing—and not its cause—there is nothing any particle or group of particles can do to alter the underlying network’s processing order (corresponding to the direction of time) and processing rate (corresponding to the flow of time). Thus, there is nothing we or any machine we might build can do, in a real and not a simulated sense, to move forward or backward in time relative to the current processing order and processing rate of the underlying computing-element network that fills the universe.)
Precognition is another consequence of ESP. For example, when a person feels that the telephone is about to ring, bions in the mind of the caller have probably perceived the mind of the person being called, and then communicated to that person’s mind a notice about the impending call. As another example, when a person anticipates an accident, such as a train wreck caused by equipment failure, the information could have originated in the mind of a mechanic or similar person who works with the relevant equipment, and who unconsciously used ESP to detect the relevant flaws, and then unconsciously estimated when the failure and/or accident would happen. That person then unconsciously used ESP to perceive the other minds to whom that person then communicated the danger. Eventually, as the warning is unconsciously passed along, one or more persons may consequently avoid the danger.
Synchronicity or coincidence is another consequence of ESP. Because the mind’s bions can perceive unobstructed by intervening objects, within a much larger volume of space than the physical senses, and communicate with other minds, arrangement by the mind’s bions of meaningful coincidence is easy.
 Psychokinesis is the ability to move objects by psychic means. For example, the poltergeist phenomenon which has been linked to children and adolescents who were experiencing emotional upset at the time, is characterized by psychokinetic activity. Psychokinesis, as commonly understood, is rare. However, cell-occupying bions are engaged in psychokinetic activity as they care for their cells.
 I have an anecdote that illustrates the consensual nature of communication between intelligent particles: I once went to a psychic fair offering readings by professional psychics. Interested in a personal demonstration, I selected one of the available psychics. To avoid helping her during the reading, I did not ask questions, give personal information, comment on her reading’s accuracy, or even look at her. Nevertheless, the reading she gave was a personally convincing demonstration of direct communication between minds, where the communications were brought to awareness in the mind of the psychic.
The point of this anecdote is that after the reading was over, the psychic remarked that I was very easy to read, and that sometimes she gets very little or nothing from the person being read. The explanation follows: During a reading, bions in the psychic’s mind are receiving information communicated by bions in the mind of the person being read. If that person’s mind refuses to communicate, or is unable to, then that psychic draws a blank, and must either admit defeat, or rely on some secondary means, such as interpreting tarot cards according to fixed rules, and/or making guesses based on whatever clues are available. Thus, a skeptic who wants “proof” that a psychic is fake, can get “proof,” by unconsciously refusing to communicate, or by communicating false information.
Psychic readings, when genuine, provide a means to consciously learn about hidden plans and/or expectations in one’s own mind, circumventing the normal paths to awareness which are restricted and heavily filtered. Channeling, when the source is not merely the channel’s own mind, is a closely related talent which many psychics have. When a psychic channels communications from another mind, such as from the mind of a dead person, the same consensual communication between intelligent particles is taking place. For some psychics, channeling and doing a psychic reading are the same thing, in which the mind of a dead person acts as an intermediary who telepathically talks to the psychic and provides information about the person being read; the psychic then repeats more or less what the intermediary says.
Regarding the various props that psychics use, such as tarot cards, tea leaves, crystal balls, astrological charts, personal effects held by the psychic (psychometry), and such, working psychics have commented as follows: “I read tarot cards for people one-on-one, in person, or over the phone. They’re just a point of concentration. I could use a crystal ball or goat innards, but tarot cards are lighter than a ball and less messy than the goat innards!” (Cooper, Paulette, and Paul Noble. The 100 Top Psychics in America. Pocket Books, New York, 1996. p. 266), and, “Sometimes I use cards because then the person doesn’t become preoccupied with ‘Where the hell is she coming up with this stuff from?’ It’s easier to blame it on the cards.” (Ibid., p. 250). Regarding what is brought to awareness in the mind of the psychic, this depends on the psychic and the circumstances—or, more specifically, the received communications and the way those communications are processed—but, in general, “pictures, sounds, and symbols that the psychic verbalizes” (Ibid., p. 297).
Experimentation is an important part of the scientific method. Because bions are particles, one might expect to observe bions directly with some kind of instrument. However, observing an intelligent particle with an instrument made of common particles is difficult in practice. This is because an intelligent particle is selective about how it interacts with common particles. For example, if an intelligent particle chooses to ignore an instrument such as an accelerator, then that accelerator will not detect that particle.
Being partly composed of intelligent particles, it is possible for a man to be his own instrument to observe bions. However, because of the fragility of the physical body and its overriding needs, most people cannot directly observe bions without some kind of assistance, such as by meditation.
 Of course, the computing-element program decides all particle interactions—either directly in the case of common particles, or indirectly thru learned programs in the case of intelligent particles—and all particles are blocks of information manipulated by the computing elements that run the computing-element program. However, as a literary convenience, intelligent particles will sometimes be spoken of as having their own volition. This avoids excessive repetition of the details of the computing-element reality model.
 In computational terms, ignoring other particles and not interacting with them is always easiest, because interaction requires computation, whereas noninteraction requires nothing in terms of computation. Thus, for example, bions passing thru a wall is computationally easier for those bions than being repelled by that wall. And bions remaining invisible to ordinary sight is computationally easier for those bions than reflecting and/or absorbing and/or emitting light, and being seen.
The ancient books of Hinduism are collectively known as the Vedas. It is not known with any certainty when the Vedas were written, but typical estimates are that the oldest books were written 3,000 years ago.
Among the Vedas are the Upanishads, a collection of ancient writings which embody the philosophy of Hinduism. The Upanishads speak clearly about a means to experience psychic phenomena. It is an amazingly simple method: mentally repeat, over and over, the sound Om (rhymes with the words Rome and home). The o sound is short and the m sound is typically drawn out. Robert Hume, in his book The Thirteen Principal Upanishads, translates from the original Sanskrit:
The word which all the Vedas rehearse,
And which all austerities proclaim,
Desiring which men live the life of religious studentship—
That word to thee I briefly declare.
That is Om!
That syllable, truly, indeed, is Brahma!
That syllable indeed is the supreme!
Knowing that syllable, truly, indeed,
Whatever one desires is his!
That is the best support.
That is the supreme support.
Knowing that support,
One becomes happy in the Brahma-world.
The above verse is from the Katha Upanishad. In this verse, praises are heaped upon Om. There is also a promise of desires fulfilled and happiness attained. The word Brahma is a technical term which occurs frequently in the Upanishads, and often refers to the experiences one can have as a result of using Om.
Taking as a bow the great weapon of the Upanishad,
One should put upon it an arrow sharpened by meditation.
Stretching it with a thought directed to the essence of That,
Penetrate that Imperishable as the mark, my friend.
The mystic syllable Om is the bow. The arrow is the soul.
Brahma is said to be the mark.
By the undistracted man is It to be penetrated.
One should come to be in It, as the arrow [in the mark].
The above verse is from the Mundaka Upanishad. The syllable Om is identified as a bow in the fifth line, and in the first line the bow is called the great weapon. By this bow-and-arrow analogy, the power of Om is expressed. A straightforward interpretation of this verse is that the use of Om can launch the awareness into an out-of-body experience.
As the material form of fire when latent in its source
Is not perceived—and yet there is no evanishment of its subtle form—
But may be caught again by means of the drill in its source,
So, verily, both are in the body by the use of Om.
By making one’s own body the lower friction-stick
And the syllable Om the upper friction-stick,
By practicing the friction of meditation,
One may see the God who is hidden, as it were.
The above verse is from the Svetasvatara Upanishad. It uses an outdated analogy, as did the previous verse. Before matches and lighters, man started fires by such means as rapidly spinning a stick of wood called a drill, the pointed end of which—surrounded by kindling—is pressed against a wooden block; the heat from the friction then ignites the kindling. The beginning of the verse is scientifically inaccurate; it is saying that fire exists in wood in some subtle form. This mistake is excusable, given that the Upanishads are prescientific writings.
The meaning of this verse starts with the fourth line. The first three lines make the claim that fire has both a visible form and a subtle hidden form. The remaining lines make the claim that there is something similarly hidden in the body. Normally, this something is hidden, as the writer of the verse supposed that fire is hidden in the stick. But by using Om, one can draw out this hidden something, and make it known to one’s own awareness. Referring to the computing-element reality model, this hidden something is the population of bions inhabiting the cells of the body.
Whereas one thus joins breath and the syllable Om
And all the manifold world—
Or perhaps they are joined!—
Therefore it has been declared to be Yoga.
The above verse, from the Maitri Upanishad, defines yoga as involving the use of Om.
 Hume, Robert. The Thirteen Principal Upanishads, 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, London, 1934. pp. 348–349.
 Ibid., p. 372. (The bracketed note on the last line is by the translator, Robert Hume.)
 Ibid., p. 396.
 Ibid., p. 439.
If one wants to meditate using Om, and risk the injury described in the next section, then the typical procedure seems to be the following: Lie down comfortably on a bed—preferably at night before sleeping. The room should be quiet. Then, close the eyes and mentally repeat the sound Om over and over, at whatever seems like a normal pace; do not say the sound aloud. Avoid stray thoughts, and try not to feel the body. Although movement should be avoided, move if it will correct any physical discomfort. During the meditation, the attention has to settle somewhere, and a good place to focus the attention is the center of the forehead.
There is no guarantee that the use of Om will produce results. The results of Om meditation have a high threshold. A single sounding of Om is useless. Instead, it must be repeated many times. Many hours of using Om, spread over many days, may be necessary before there are any results. The following are some of the effects that may result from Om meditation:
Upon waking from sleep, there is an enhanced clarity and frequency of dream remembrance.
During sleep, there is lucid dreaming. A lucid dream is when one is conscious within what appears to be a surrounding dream world, and in that dream world one can freely move about. As is discussed in chapter 5, lucid dreams are out-of-body experiences.
During sleep, there is an onset of consciousness and a direct perception of a nonphysical body. Often, this bion body, which is a body composed solely of bions, is either coming out of, or reentering, the physical body. This tangible, nonphysical body—which is capable of movement independent of the physical body—convinces those who experience it that they are truly exterior to the physical body.
Something is felt in the body during the Om meditation. This may be a vibration, or a loss of sensation in the limbs, or a shrinking feeling.
Of these four effects, the first occurs upon waking from sleep, and the next two occur during sleep. If one is going to have unusual perceptions, the best time for them is when one is asleep. When asleep, the body has the lowest need for the services of the mind. If part of the mind were to wander off and leave the body alone, then hopefully the body will not miss it. However, regardless of whether one is asleep or not, the primary limitation for any out-of-body experience—and the primary limitation for its duration—is the extent to which the bions involved can neglect their cell-care duties.
Although Om meditation has the potential to promote unusual perceptions, it also has the potential to cause a very painful injury. Om meditation, and meditation in general, can, after long use, cause the devastating injury known as kundalini. This injury, which appears to be nonphysical, happens during the actual meditation. Briefly, the cause of the injury is too much meditation. More specifically, a possible explanation is that excessive meditation can cause a neuron-inhabiting bion in the lower spine to self-program, causing an alteration or corruption in one of its learned programs; and the ultimate consequence of this reprogramming is the burning pain of the kundalini injury.
The details of the kundalini injury are as follows: At some point during meditation, and without any warning, there is a strong sensation at the spine in the lower back, near the end of the spine. There is then a sensation of something pushing up the spine from the point of the original sensation. How far this sensation moves up the spine is variable. Also, it depends on what the person does. He should immediately get up, move around, and forswear future meditation. Doing so can stop the copying of the learned-program corruption, if that is what the felt movement up the spine is: a side effect of the corruption-originating bion copying to neighboring neuron-inhabiting bions, and those neighbors copying to their neighbors, and so on up the spine.
The onset of the pain is variable, but it seems to follow the kundalini injury quickly—within a day or two. Typically, the pain of the kundalini injury is a burning sensation across the back—or at least a burning sensation along the lower spine—and the pain may also cover other parts of the body, such as the head. The pain is sometimes intense. It may come and go during a period of months or years and eventually fade away, or it may burn incessantly for years without relief.
The common reaction by the sufferer to the kundalini injury is bewilderment. Continued meditation seems to aggravate the kundalini injury, so the typical sufferer develops a strong aversion for meditation.
The Indian, Gopi Krishna, suffered the kundalini injury in December 1937 at the age of 34. He had a habit of meditating for about three hours every morning, and he did this for seventeen years. Apparently, he did not practice Om meditation. Instead, he just concentrated on a spot centered on his forehead. In his case the sensation rose all the way up his spine and into his head. The pain he suffered lasted several decades.
The Indian, Krishnamurti, who had been groomed as the World Teacher of the Theosophical Society, suffered the kundalini injury in August 1922 at the age of 27. He had been meditating. His suffering lasted several years, and the pain would come and go. In one of his letters of 1925, Krishnamurti wrote, “I suppose it will stop some day but at present it is rather awful. I can’t do any work etc. It goes on all day & all night now.” Such are the hazards of meditation.
 Lutyens, Mary. Krishnamurti: The Years of Awakening. Avon Books, New York, 1983. p. 216.
This chapter considers two kinds of out-of-body experiences: lucid-dream out-of-body experiences and bion-body out-of-body experiences. The chapter sections are:
Dreams need no introduction, because dreaming is an experience most people have. However, there has long been the question as to the location of dreams. Some past cultures believed in a separate dream world, which exists around the dreamer—when a person dreams, the mind of that person is moving about in that dream world. Call this kind of dream an external dream (what is commonly known as a lucid dream is an external dream). The alternative is that dreams are spatially confined to the dreamer’s head. Call this kind of dream an internal dream.
The mathematics-only reality model cannot explain external dreams, and according to that model all dreams are internal. The computing-element reality model allows both kinds of dreams.
For an internal dream, the imagery and sounds of that dream are generated by brain bions, without using substantial sensory input. It is certain that the mind can generate high-quality images and sounds without sensory input, because most people can imagine or recall low-quality images and sounds while awake, and psychedelics such as LSD and DMT can provoke a torrent of high-quality images while the person is awake. Thus, the mind is fully capable of internal dreaming.
For most people, internal dreaming is the rule, and external dreaming is the exception. However, if the mind uses ESP and/or receives communications from other minds, then a given internal dream can incorporate direct perceptions of external objects and/or communicated information from other minds. Thus, even an internal dream can have an external component.
For an external dream, the imagery and sounds of that dream are generated using substantial sensory input—by brain bions that have collectively left the body for a short time. However, the common particles normally observed during an external dream are different than the common particles observed when one is awake. In other words, the common particles observed during an external dream are a different class of common particles than the electrons, quarks, photons, and other elementary particles of physics.
For convenience, call the common particles of physics p-common particles, and call the common particles observed during an external dream d-common particles. These d-common particles do not interact with p-common particles.
Those brain bions that have collectively left the body for a short time, call a mind-piece, because at least some brain bions are necessarily left behind with the body. The sensory input for an external dream comes from the interaction of the roving mind-piece with its surroundings. These surroundings typically include other minds and/or mind-pieces, and d-common particles.
 The various molecules of a cell are more or less stable. Thus, typically, a cell without its bion soon reaches a stable state where chemical reactions cease, and the structure of the cell just before that bion’s departure remains mostly unchanged—succumbing only slowly to environmental stresses from outside the cell. This quasi-stability means that a bion can leave its cell for at least a short time, and, upon return, find its cell in much the same state as when it left it (in effect, a bion also “leaves” its cell each time it sleeps—see section 9.3—and this periodic sleeping of a cell’s bion has probably been a contributing factor in the evolution of the cell’s stability).
However, because there is so much interdependency in the human body, subpar performance by cells whose bions are absent—depending on how many bions are absent, for how long, and from which cells—could have a cascading effect that ultimately causes sickness or possibly even death. It seems that to avoid these dangers, the bions are collectively careful about staying with the physical body. For the typical person who has out-of-body experiences, the bions apparently maintain comfortable safety margins for those out-of-body experiences.
Regarding out-of-body experiences, many good accounts have been written in Europe and America. Many people have had isolated out-of-body experiences, and some of these experiences have been collected and published by researchers. However, there are also books written by individuals who have had many out-of-body experiences, without the aid of meditation, drugs, or other means; such people are called projectionists, because they are self-aware while projected away from their bodies—and they remember their experiences long enough to record them.
In 1920, the personal account of Hugh Calloway—who used the pseudonym Oliver Fox—was published in a British journal. About two decades later he wrote the book Astral Projection, which recounted his experiences more fully. Fox was a lucid dreamer.
Fox had his first lucid dream at the age of 16, in 1902. He dreamed he was standing outside his home. In the dream, the nearby ocean was visible, along with trees and nearby buildings; and Fox walked toward his home, and looked down at the stone-covered walkway. Although similar, the walkway in the dream was not identical in appearance to the real-life walkway that it imitated. During the dream, Fox noticed this difference and wondered about it. The explanation that he was dreaming occurred to him, and at that point he became self-aware. His dream ended shortly afterward.
After that first lucid dream, lucid dreaming became a frequent occurrence for Fox. He would be asleep and dreaming, and at some point he would become conscious within the dream. Fox noted two interesting things about his lucid dreams: he could move about within the dream, such as by gliding across an apparent surface; and the substance that formed the objects in the dream could be molded by thought.
Fox’s lucid dreams were typically short, and he did his best to prolong them. But he would feel a pain in his dream-head, and this pain signaled the need to return to his body. As this initially weak pain grew, he then experienced a dual perception consisting of his dream sensations and his body’s sensations. A sort of tug-of-war resulted, with the body winning.
Unlike Fox, most lucid dreamers never report having a choice about returning to their body, because at some point the lucid dream just ends without any warning, and the dreamer awakes. Presumably in Fox’s case, the perceptions he felt of his physical body were communicated by bions still in his brain, to bions in his mind-piece, using the learned-program send and receive statements. Similarly, communications from the mind-piece to the bions still in the brain can ultimately affect the body, as demonstrated by sleep-lab experiments in which the physical body can show various movements and other responses that correlate with events in the lucid dream.
Fox had wondered what would happen if he resisted the warning-pain signal and delayed the return to his body. He decided to experiment. About a year after his first lucid dream, he became self-aware in another of his walk-around-the-town dreams. He felt the warning pain and ignored it. The dual perception occurred, and he successfully willed to retain the dream perception. Next, the growing pain in his dream-head peaked and then disappeared. At that point Fox was free to continue his lucid dream.
As Fox’s lucid dream continued, he soon wanted to awake, but nothing happened; his lucid dream continued. Fox then became fearful, and tried to concentrate on returning to his body. Suddenly, he was back in his body, but he found himself paralyzed. His bodily senses were working, but he was unable to make any movements. Fortunately, this condition did not last long, and he was soon able to move again. However, immediately afterward he was queasy, and he felt sick for three days. This experience deterred him for a while, but a few weeks later he again ignored the warning-pain during a lucid dream, and the same pattern resulted. He says the sickness was less this time, and the memory of the dream was lost. After this second experience, Fox no longer fought against the signal to return.
Fox remarks that years later he learned that if he had only relaxed and fallen asleep when he was paralyzed in his body, then the subsequent sickness would not have occurred.
If the mind-piece is away from the brain for too long, then that mind-piece probably needs some time to restore to their normal condition and performance levels those brain neurons that it normally inhabits. Hurrying this restoration process, and possibly ending it prematurely, may explain the sickness Fox experienced.
During his teens and twenties, Fox continued to have lucid dreams, and he noticed a pattern. Often, his lucid dreams never reached the warning-pain stage, because he would do something that would cut the dream short and cause him to awake. Fox gives some examples of what he means: After ordering a meal in a restaurant and then eating it, trying to taste the food he was eating caused him to awake. While watching a play in a theater, a growing interest in the play would cause him to awake. If Fox encountered an attractive woman, he could converse with her, but when he thought of an embrace or such, he would awake. In general, to prolong a lucid dream, “I may look, but I must not get too interested—let alone touch!”
Because the mind-piece of a lucid dreamer is not the complete mind available to that person when awake, when the lucid dreamer tries to think or act in a way that requires at least partial involvement of the remainder of his mind left behind with the brain, the end result is that the mind-piece returns to the body and rejoins with that remainder, so as to form the complete mind needed to do whatever it was that the lucid dreamer was trying to do.
Sight and hearing are the two senses of the lucid dreamer that work as well in the lucid dream as they do in the body. The typical lucid dreamer sees clearly in color, and can hear and talk by means of telepathic communication—although conversation during a lucid dream is typically infrequent. In contrast to sight and hearing, the other senses are noticeably absent. The lucid dreamer has no sense of taste, touch, or smell. And any attempt to use these senses during a lucid dream causes an automatic rejoining of the split mind.
In addition, apparently absent from the mind-piece is the ability to understand writing. For example, Fox remarks that he always had trouble reading whatever writing he encountered. He could see the writing, and he knew it was writing, but he could not read it—except occasionally and with difficulty. According to Fox, other people told him that they had this same inability to read lucid-dream writing.
Instead of being an idle spectator watching the world go by, the lucid dreamer is frequently in motion. He may be moving slowly by walking or floating, or moving more quickly by flying. However, the most spectacular motion for the lucid dreamer is a sudden acceleration to a great speed. At first, the lucid dreamer may be at a relative standstill, or flying, when this sudden acceleration begins. As the acceleration quickly builds, the sight goes black, and there may be a loss of consciousness. The next thing the lucid dreamer is aware of, is a change in the location of the dream. Apparently, the sudden acceleration happens when a large distance has to be traveled.
The lucid-dream literature has many lucid-dream stories in which transcontinental and transoceanic distances are quickly traveled by the lucid dreamer. Thus, there is reason to believe that the projected mind-piece can quickly accelerate to a speed of roughly several hundred kilometers per second. In general, for any movement of the mind-piece, the motive power of that mind-piece is the learned-program move statement, used by the intelligent particles composing that mind-piece.
Although the motion of the lucid dreamer is an impressive clue that there is an external dream world, additional evidence comes from encounters with persons known to the lucid dreamer. These dream encounters are sometimes independently confirmed when the awakened dreamer later talks with the encountered persons. For example, Fox tells the following story: He was discussing dreams with two friends. The three of them then agreed to meet together that night in their dreams. Fox remembered meeting only one friend in a dream that night. The next day the three friends compared experiences. The friend whom Fox met in the dream also recalled meeting Fox. Both Fox and this friend agreed they never saw the third friend, who claimed to have no memory of his dreams that night.
The experience that most convinced Fox that there is an external dream world, involved a girlfriend of his, when he was 19, in the summer of 1905. Fox had talked about his lucid-dream experiences with her, but her attitude was that such things were wicked. Fox tried to overcome her objections by claiming that she was ignorant and he could teach her. However, her reaction was that she already knew about such things, and could appear in his room at night if she wanted to. He doubted her claim, and she became determined to prove it. That night, Fox had what he calls a False Awakening—where he becomes self-aware, very close to his body, having both his lucid-dream vision and lucid-dream hearing. While he was in this condition, his girlfriend made a sudden, dazzling appearance in his bedroom. She appeared fully formed, wearing a nightdress. She said nothing, but looked about the room. After a while, Fox tried to speak to her, but she disappeared, and Fox awoke.
The following day, Fox met with his girlfriend to compare experiences. She greeted him enthusiastically with the news of her success. Without having been in his room before, she successfully described both its appearance and content. The description was sufficiently detailed to convince Fox of the reality of her visit. Fox remarks that his girlfriend said his eyes were open during the visit.
In describing his projections, Fox often shows an apparent confusion between dream-world objects and physical objects. For example, he seems to think his girlfriend saw his physical bedroom, and that is why he makes the remark about her saying that she saw his eyes open during the visit. He is quite sure that his physical eyes were closed. He finally concludes that she probably saw the open eyes of his dream appearance.
It seems to be a rule that the things seen during a lucid dream are objects composed of d-common particles. When Fox’s girlfriend visited his room that night, she was having a lucid dream; and she saw a d-common replica of his room, which occupied the same space as his physical room.
In a lucid dream, d-common objects often duplicate the shape and coloring of physical objects. For example, the appearances of other people seen during a lucid dream are typically imitations of the physical appearances of those persons. When Fox’s girlfriend made her appearance that night, probably the only thing in that room that was her was her mind-piece. If Fox had seen only the real her that was present, he probably would have seen a small “cloud” of particles, which he would have never recognized as his girlfriend.
A valid question is what causes d-common particles to assume shapes and colorings that imitate physical objects? Probably what shaped, colored, and clothed Fox’s girlfriend during her visit, was her mind-piece. Specifically, the bions of her mind-piece constructed out of d-common particles the appearance that Fox saw. The observed replica room was probably part of a larger replica house or building. Probably these replicas are constructed by the bions of those persons who are associated with the physical objects in question. The replica of Fox’s room was probably done by Fox himself, unconsciously.
Fox mentions the existence in the lucid-dream world of an entire city—an imitation London which he visited and explored. By analogy with Fox’s replica room, which shared the same space as his physical room, the imitation London which Fox visited probably shared the same space as the physical London. Besides imitation buildings that looked familiar, there were also buildings and monuments that Fox knew had no equivalent in the real city of London. Fox says that it was his experience that his repeated lucid-dream trips to the same town or city showed the same buildings and monuments—including those that had no counterpart in the real town or city.
Once made, a d-common object seems to remain in the same location, and retain its form—until intelligent particles move, change, or destroy it. Although the actual manipulation of d-common particles is normally done unconsciously, sometimes a lucid dreamer can consciously will a change in some nearby d-common object and see the change happen.
In spite of an often similar appearance and location, there is no linkage between d-common objects and p-common objects. For example, an experiment that is often reported by lucid dreamers is that they successfully move some d-common object that they think corresponds to a familiar physical object; but once they are awake and check the physical object, they always find it unmoved.
Fox remarks how the memories of his lucid-dream projections were fleeting. To counter this, he would often write down an account of his projection as soon as he was awake. In his book, Fox wonders why such memories are not more permanent. Of course, for most people the memory of ordinary dreams is very fleeting, too. Occasionally a projection or dream makes an impression on long-term memory, but that is the exception not the rule. It seems that the learned programs that manage the mind’s memory, when deciding long-term retention, assign a comparatively low priority to both dreams and lucid dreams.
 Fox, Oliver. Astral Projection. Citadel Press, Secaucus, 1980.
 LaBerge, Stephen. Lucid Dreaming. Ballantine Books, New York, 1987. pp. 82–95.
 Fox, op. cit., p. 44.
 Regarding the perceived shape and coloring of d-common objects, these conscious perceptions are perceptions of mental constructions that were made by the relevant learned programs concerned with vision; these learned programs process the sensory data for the d-common objects being seen. This is the same situation as with ordinary waking sight and p-common objects. In both cases, one consciously sees only a mental construction of what is there.
Given that d-common particles do not interact with p-common particles, this means that the sensory data used to construct the perceptions of d-common objects is different than the sensory data used to construct the perceptions of p-common objects. More specifically, photons (composing visible light) are p-common particles, and are not involved in the perception of d-common objects.
Overall, Fox was primarily a lucid dreamer. His bion-body projections, in which the mind-piece is incorporated in a bion body, seem to have been very infrequent. In general, the projected bion body can vary in its mass and substantialness—depending on how many bions are withdrawn from the physical body. It seems that Fox never had a bion-body projection in which his bion body felt substantial. During his bion-body projections, Fox was unable to directly sense physical objects. Instead, when Fox was projected in his bion body, it always seems to have been a flimsy bion body, and his senses were lucid-dream senses.
Sylvan Muldoon was born in America in 1903, and spent his life in the Midwest. In November 1927, he sent a letter to Hereward Carrington, a well-known writer on paranormal subjects. Muldoon had read one of Carrington’s books, and he wanted to let Carrington know that he, Muldoon, knew a lot more about projection than did the sources Carrington used in his book. Carrington was so impressed by Muldoon’s letter that he wrote him back and invited him to write a book which he, Carrington, would edit and write an introduction for. The result was The Projection of the Astral Body, published in London in 1929.
Overall, lucid dreams are more common than bion-body projections. But Muldoon had only bion-body projections. And his projected bion body was much more substantial than in the case of Fox and similar projectionists, who often have lucid dreams and only occasionally have bion-body projections. In its main elements, Muldoon’s account is consistent with the many other accounts in the literature of bion-body projections. The main elements of agreement are: a complete and unchanging bion body that comes out of the physical body and then later reenters it; an inability to contact or otherwise affect physical objects; the relatively short duration of the projection experience, sometimes punctuated by brief returns to the physical body. Where Muldoon’s account differs from the standard account, each of the differences is attributable to either the greater density of his projected bion body, or to the presumed details of whatever learned programs regulated his projections.
Muldoon was only 12 when he had his first projection experience. His mother had taken him to a camp of gathered spiritualists in Iowa, because she was interested in spiritualism. Muldoon slept in a nearby house that night, with other persons from the camp. He had been asleep for several hours when he awoke slowly. At first he did not know where he was, and everything was dark. Eventually he realized he was lying down on his bed—but he could not move. Muldoon soon felt his whole body vibrating, and he felt a pulsing pressure in the back of his head. Also, he had the sensation of floating.
Muldoon soon regained his sight and hearing. He then realized that he was floating roughly a meter above the bed. This was his bion body floating, although he did not yet realize it. Muldoon still could not move. He continued to float upward. When his bion body was about two meters above the bed, his bion body was moved upright and placed onto the floor standing. Muldoon estimates he was frozen in this standing position for about two minutes, after which the bion body became relaxed and Muldoon could consciously control it.
The first thing Muldoon did was turn around and look at the bed. He saw his physical body lying on it. He also saw what he calls a cable, extending out from between the eyes of his physical body on the bed. The cable ran to the back of his bion-body head, which is where he continued to feel some pressure. Muldoon was about two meters from his physical body. His bion body, being very light, was not firmly held down by gravity, and it tended to sway back and forth despite his efforts to stabilize it.
Not surprisingly, Muldoon was both bewildered and upset. He thought he had died—so he resolved to let the other people in the house know what had happened to him. He walked to the door of the room, intending to open it, but he walked right thru it. Muldoon then went from one room to another and tried to wake the people in those rooms, but was unable to. His hands passed thru those whom he tried to grab and shake. Muldoon remarks that despite this inability to make contact with physical objects, he could still see and hear them clearly. Muldoon says that at one point during his movements in the house he both saw and heard a car passing by the house. Muldoon also says that he heard a clock strike two. Upon looking at the hands of the clock he verified that it was two o’clock.
Muldoon gave up trying to wake the other people in the house. He then wandered around in the house for about fifteen minutes. At the end of that time he noticed that the cable in the back of his head was resisting his movements. The resistance increased, and Muldoon soon found himself being pulled backward toward his physical body, which was still lying on its bed. He lost conscious control of his bion body, which was automatically repositioned, as before, above his physical body. The bion body then lowered down, began vibrating again, and reentered the physical body. Upon reentry, Muldoon felt a sharp pain. The projection was over. Muldoon concludes his story by saying, “I was physically alive again, filled with awe, as amazed as fearful, and I had been conscious throughout the entire occurrence.”
Over the years that followed, Muldoon says that he had several more projections similar to the first one, in which he was conscious from the very beginning of the projection until its very end. In addition, Muldoon says he had several hundred other projections, where he was conscious for only part of the time during the projection. Typically, he would become conscious after the bion body had moved into a standing position a short distance from the physical body. As far as he could tell, the order of events established by his first projection experience was always maintained. His situation, in terms of his sight, hearing, bion body, and cable connection, was the same from one projection to the next.
The cable that connects the bion body with the physical body is more commonly called a cord, and has been noticed by some, but not all, bion-body projectionists. What is this cord, and what does it connect to? The cord is composed of bions. Back at the physical body, the cord is connected to the bions that are still with the physical body. In a sense, the cord does not exist as a separate structure. Instead, there are two body-shaped masses of bions, which are connected by still more bions in the shape of a cord. Potentially, bions can collectively assume any shape, such as the shape of a cord, by individually using the learned-program move statement to make changes in position relative to each other. Similarly, by using the move statement synchronously to move together, bions can maintain the appearance of being connected.
During a bion-body projection, it often happens that at regular intervals the bion body briefly returns to the physical body. During each such brief return, a kind of pumping sensation is sometimes felt. First, the bion body quickly reenters the physical body. Then, during the brief period of a few seconds when the bion body is with the physical body, the projectionist may feel the whole bion body pumping. Muldoon and other projectionists have interpreted these brief returns as a recharging, or reenergizing, of the projected body. This is the fuel-is-low and batteries-are-run-down kind of explanation.
Actually, the likely reason for the brief return of the bion body to the physical body is the need of at least some of the bions in the bion body to get back to their cells. The reported pumping sensation is probably caused by bions both leaving, and joining, the bion body—synchronously, in droves. During the brief return, those bions whose time is up, can leave the bion body and reassociate with their cells. Simultaneously, among the bions currently associated with their cells, some may leave and join the bion body. In other words, an exchange of used for unused bions takes place. If during a return there are not enough available unused bions to replace the used ones, then the whole projection experience probably ends at that point.
The consistent shape of the bion body suggests its origin. The bion body is always a match of the physical body in terms of its general outline. No projectionist ever reports an incomplete bion body, or—aside from ordinary movement such as the bending of limbs—a bion body that alters or transforms its shape. This is different from what is possible during a lucid dream. The apparent body of a lucid-dream projectionist is constructed on the spot out of d-common particles, which have no connection to the projectionist’s physical body. Thus, lucid-dream projectionists sometimes report having no body—or an incomplete body, or a nonhuman body. Also, they sometimes report seeing someone else undergo a transformation of their apparent human form. However, such variability is never reported for the bion body. Instead, it seems that the projected bions retain more or less the same relative positions that they have in the physical body.
The typical bion-body projectionist finds himself in a flimsy bion body. These projectionists make no connection between physical health and bion-body projections—unless to claim that good health promotes projections. Muldoon, of course, was not the typical bion-body projectionist. When compared to other projectionists, his bion body was consistently dense; and his projections were sometimes long lasting, such as the roughly twenty-minute duration of his first projection. It is interesting that Muldoon takes a very decisive position on the relationship between physical health and projection ability. He claims that sickness promotes projection, and health has the opposite effect. His basis for this claim was his own experience: Muldoon was often sick. According to Carrington, Muldoon wrote his book from his sickbed.
Muldoon’s identification of sickness with projection ability may be accurate in his case. Muldoon’s opinion was that sickness comes first, and then the projections follow. However, Muldoon’s projections kept many bions away from their cells, and sometimes for comparatively long periods of time. Therefore, it seems more reasonable to suppose that the projections came first—followed by the sickness.
Regarding the vibration of the bion body, the bion body is known to vibrate at times. The typical literature of the 20th century has an erroneous explanation for this vibration of the bion body, based on the premise that there are different invisible planes of existence. The phrase planes of existence is a figure of speech used in the literature to suggest separateness. According to this erroneous explanation, these planes operate at different frequencies, and the vibration rate of the bion body can match these different frequencies. Thus, according to this explanation, the vibration rate of the bion body determines which of these invisible planes becomes visible and accessible to the projectionist.
There are three reasons why this erroneous explanation came about. First, bion-body projectionists report that when they feel the vibrations increasing in frequency, then separation of the bion body from the physical body will happen. Conversely, when they feel the vibrations decreasing in frequency, then reassociation of the bion body with the physical body is likely. Thus, it was argued that there is a correlation between a low vibration frequency and the physical plane of existence. Second, projectionists often report experiences that are very different from each other. It was argued that this suggests different planes of existence. For example, lucid dreams are happening on one plane, and bion-body projections are happening on a different plane. Third, vibrations are easily described with mathematics. Thus, a vibrational model of reality appealed to those who were influenced by the mathematics-only reality model.
The correlation of decreasing frequency with physical reassociation, and increasing frequency with physical disassociation, suggests that when the bion body is separated from the physical body, and the projectionist does not feel any vibration, that the bion body is nevertheless vibrating, but at a frequency too high to be felt or otherwise noticed. Probably this vibration of the bion body is a consequence of the process that keeps the bion body together when it is away from the physical body. However, regardless of the specific cause, the vibrations have nothing to do with tuning in alternate realities—as though the bion body were a radio-tuner or television-tuner switching stations and channels, instead of being what it really is: a population of cooperating intelligent particles.
After the onset of the vibrations, Muldoon felt himself floating. As he was floating upward, his senses of hearing and sight became active. It is unusual that Muldoon could see and hear physical objects. Most bion-body projectionists see and hear physical objects either poorly or not at all. Instead, they see either darkness or d-common objects. Also, they can see their own bion body—typically as a darkness-enveloped, grainy, gray-looking, wispy body—when they look at it. To try to understand what Muldoon’s senses were like, here are a few quotes:
When the sense of hearing first begins to manifest, the sounds seem far away. When the eyes first begin to see, everything seems blurred and whitish. Just as the sounds become more distinct, so does the sense of sight become clearer and clearer.
As is often the case, everything at first seemed blurred about me, as though the room were filled with steam, or white clouds, half transparent; as though one were looking through an imperfect windowpane, seeing blurry objects through it. This condition is but temporary, however—lasting, as a rule, about a minute in practically all conscious projections.
Once you are exteriorized, and your sense of sight working, the room, which was dark to your physical eyes, is no longer dark—for you are using your astral eyes, and there is a ‘foggish’ light everywhere, such as you see in your dreams, a diffused light we might call it, a light which seems none too bright, and yet is not too dim, apparently sifting right through the objects of the material world.
The primary difference between Muldoon and most other bion-body projectionists, was the high density of his bion body. There were many more bions in Muldoon’s projected bion body than most bion-body projectionists have in theirs. Bions interact with the p-common particles of one’s cells, and it appears that some of the bions in Muldoon’s projected bion body were collectively sensing p-common particles. By sensing photons, and the atoms and molecules of the air, data is available that can be processed by the mind-piece into sight and sound perceptions of physical objects. Apparently, the greater density of Muldoon’s bion body meant that there were more bions available that could do this sensing.
Although Muldoon’s sight perceptions could have, in theory, been constructed from ESP of the nearby physical objects, without having to sense photons, there is a complexity cost. Specifically, to get results and accuracy comparable to algorithms that use photon data, algorithms that use ESP data would have to be much more complex, because of such complications as having to determine visible surfaces, perspectives, and, most difficult, colorings and/or grayness. Thus, for simplicity, assume photon sensing. Specifically, Muldoon’s ability to see physical objects in an otherwise dark room suggests an extremely sensitive light sensor and/or a sensor that measures more of the electromagnetic spectrum than just the visible-light part.
The cord that Muldoon noticed during his first projection, was a common feature of his later projections. He often studied this cord when he was projected. For Muldoon, out to a somewhat variable distance of a few meters from his physical body, his cord remained thick. As long as the cord appeared thick, his bion body was strongly influenced by his physical body. Within this range, Muldoon felt happenings to his physical body reproduced in his bion body. For example, once a pet dog jumped on the bed and snuggled against Muldoon’s physical body while he was projected within range. He felt this dog as though it were pressing against his bion body. Besides feeling his physical body’s sensations, Muldoon could also control its breathing when within range.
Either these communications between the projected Muldoon and his physical body were being directly communicated from brain bions to mind-piece bions, and vice versa, in the same manner as during a lucid dream—in which case cord thickness and communication ability correlated only because the learned programs regulating Muldoon’s projections made them correlate; or, these communications followed an indirect path along the cord, conditional upon the cord’s thickness.
As Muldoon moved further away from his physical body, the cord became very thin, like a thread. Muldoon claims that the cord kept its threadlike thinness out to whatever distance he moved to—even to a distance of many kilometers. Perhaps the cord is, in effect, a life line, guaranteeing that the bion body can get back to its cells in a timely manner. However, there is no evidence for any kind of cord during a lucid-dream projection. A likely explanation for this difference is that the mind-piece has a sophisticated collection of learned programs for such things as ESP and inter-mind communication, which support an independent return capability—whereas the bions in the bion body have a more limited and less autonomous return capability.
One might wonder if there is a limit on how far away a bion body can move from the physical body, because of the trailing cord. Although there are many stories of lucid-dream projectionists moving thousands of kilometers away from their physical bodies, there is no good evidence that a bion-body projectionist has ever moved that far away. Thus, it is probably safe to say that the range of the bion-body projectionist is much less than the range of the lucid-dream projectionist.
During Muldoon’s first projection, he tried to make contact with the other people in the house. He saw their physical bodies lying in bed, but his bion-body hands passed right thru them. There seems to be a fair-play rule involved here. Broadly, the fair-play rule covers all the self-imposed restrictions followed by the Earth’s bion population for the sake of organic life. For example, a consciously controlled bion body can contact other bion bodies, but it cannot contact the bions within physical bodies, and it cannot contact physical objects. However, because d-common particles have no part in organic life, bion manipulation of d-common particles, as was indicated in section 5.2, is apparently unrestricted.
Muldoon remarks how frustrated he was that he could never make contact with physical objects. In the many projections he had, his bion body never made contact with a physical object while he was conscious. However, there were a few instances when Muldoon knew that his bion body had made contact with a physical object while he was unconscious. For example:
On the night of February 26, 1928, Muldoon had a serious stomach sickness, which caused him great pain. At near midnight he was overcome with pain and called out to his mother for help. She was asleep in an upstairs bedroom and did not hear him. Muldoon struggled out of bed, still calling, and he fainted from the pain and effort. He regained consciousness, only to struggle and faint again. The next time he regained consciousness, he was projected in his bion body. His bion body was moving without conscious control up the stairs, thru a wall, and into the room where his mother and small brother were sleeping. Muldoon saw both of them sound asleep on the bed. Then Muldoon lost consciousness for a brief period. Upon regaining consciousness, Muldoon saw his mother and small brother excitedly talking about being rolled out of bed by an uplifted mattress. After witnessing this scene, Muldoon’s bion body was drawn back and reentered his physical body. Back in his physical body, Muldoon called again to his mother. This time she heard him and came downstairs. Ignoring that he was lying on the floor, she excitedly told him how spirits had lifted the mattress several times. And she was, of course, frightened by it.
That the bion body is restricted from physical contact—and from contact with other bions in a physical body—is obviously for the common good. It seems that the only contact allowed is what may be called fair contact. And the only fair contact for a projected bion body is contact with other projected bion bodies, or contact with bion bodies that have no physical-body connection. In these cases, because they are meeting on equal terms, the two bion bodies can make contact with each other. Most bion-body projectionists eventually have encounters with other bion bodies. Struggles and fights are often reported. These encounters can be both frightening and painful. Muldoon gives one example of this kind of encounter:
In 1923, Muldoon listened to a conversation between his mother and another woman who lived in town. This other woman described what an awful man her husband, who had just died, had been. Because of the stories the woman told, Muldoon became angered against that man. That night Muldoon had a projection. Upon turning to look at his physical body, Muldoon was shocked to see the bion body of the dead man talked about earlier in the day. Muldoon describes this man as having a savage look and being determined for revenge—and he quickly attacked the projected Muldoon. There was a fight and Muldoon was getting the worst of it—as well as being cursed at. However, the fight soon ended when Muldoon was drawn back into his physical body. Once he reentered his physical body, Muldoon no longer felt or heard the attack of his enemy. Muldoon remarks how his attacker clung to him and continued his attack while Muldoon was being slowly drawn back toward his physical body. However, the attacker was unable to prevent Muldoon’s reentry.
This chapter has considered in detail both lucid-dream projections and bion-body projections. A third kind of projection is covered in chapter 6.
 Muldoon, Sylvan, and Hereward Carrington. The Projection of the Astral Body. Samuel Weiser, New York, 1980.
 Ibid., p. 53.
 When it comes time for a projected bion to return to its cell, a possible return mechanism is that the bion navigates back to the correct cell by remembering, prior to its departure from that cell, its location relative to neighboring bions, and then, after the bion body has returned en masse to the physical body—perhaps by contraction of the cord, if there is a cord—the bion communicates with whichever of those neighboring bions are currently with their cells, and then uses triangulation to control its movement back to its own cell. Given this mechanism, it follows that there must always be at least some bions left with the physical body, but this is already known to be the case. Also, in the case of cells that exist within moving fluids, such as blood, probably the bions of those cells never project, because stable reference points allowing safe return to those cells are lacking.
 Ibid., p. 233.
 Ibid., p. 255.
 Ibid., p. 204.
 The fair-play rule exists primarily in a negative sense, in terms of what is missing. Given the fragility of organic structures, the bions concerned with organic life have evolved their learned programs so as to avoid any heavy-handed use of those learned-program statements, such as the move statement, that could damage those fragile structures.
For those learned-program statements that cannot directly affect p-common particles—such as the perceive, send, and receive statements—there is no direct danger to organic structures. Thus, in the human population with regard to psychic phenomena, one would expect to see a higher incidence of those psychic phenomena that are physically harmless. And this is indeed the case. For example, both ESP (which uses the perceive statement), and direct communication between minds (which uses the send and receive statements), are much more common than psychokinesis (which uses the move statement) and materialization.
Still, overt displays of ESP and inter-mind communication are not widespread, and it appears that different evolutionary forces are at work to suppress such physically harmless psychic phenomena. For example, social forces are at work. In Europe during the Middle Ages, women who were overtly psychic were murdered as witches by the religious establishment.
Another factor, perhaps the dominating factor, that limits the conscious display of ESP and inter-mind communication, is that having these capabilities, without perceptual confusion regarding the source of the perception, has a cost in terms of requiring an allocation of awareness-particle input channels (section 9.6). More specifically, for the awareness to have extra-sensory perceptions and simultaneously know they are extra-sensory perceptions, then either a separate allocation is needed for carrying these extra-sensory perceptions to the awareness, or, if the same allocation is used to carry both extra-sensory and sensory perceptions, such as, for example, telepathic hearing and normal hearing carried by the same allocation, then a separate allocation is needed for carrying a feeling—sent to the awareness at the same time as the extra-sensory perception—that alerts the awareness that the current perception has an extra-sensory origin.
This chapter considers awareness and the intelligent particle associated with awareness. There is also a discussion of the afterlife. The chapter sections are:
The soliton is an intelligent particle that has an associated awareness. Each person has a single soliton. This soliton is the location of the separate, solitary awareness that each person experiences. Unlike bions which interact with both intelligent particles and common particles, the soliton interacts only with intelligent particles.
The computing-element program, in effect, can make a soliton the ruler over a cooperating population of bions. Each adult man or woman has a cooperating population of roughly 50 trillion bions—assuming one bion per cell. The bions of the brain that collectively form the mind are like a government—and the governed is the body. This government reports to, and receives orders from, the soliton ruler. The role of the soliton ruler is to be the final decision maker—to set goals for the government, and approve its results.
Although the soliton ruler is intelligent, so are the bions that form the subject population. The intellectual work of one’s mind is done by bions. For example, the bions of the brain store memories. Also, they provide all processing of sensory input, including all recognition work such as recognizing a face. In addition, they provide all language operations such as parsing and constructing sentences, and they provide all motor control. Moreover, they provide all problem-solving and creative services—and so on. The total amount of intellectual product generated by the bions of the brain is much greater than the amount of intellectual product that is brought to the attention of the soliton ruler. (See section 9.6 for a detailed discussion of the soliton’s limited capacity for receiving input from the mind, and how this results in different allocation plans for different people, resulting in human differences.)
Regarding the reports received by the soliton ruler from brain bions, there is a filtering process that takes place. The soliton ruler can express preferences about what specific reports it wants to see. Also, the bions can decide on their own which reports are important and demand the attention of the soliton ruler. Some general examples of reports are: image reports, sound reports, and thought reports. The conscious act of seeing involves a continuous stream of image reports sent to the soliton ruler. The conscious act of hearing involves a continuous stream of sound reports sent to the soliton ruler. The conscious act of thinking involves a continuous stream of thought reports sent to the soliton ruler.
As an intelligent particle, the soliton can store its own data—such as preferences, which are probably in the form of learned programs—as part of its state information.
 The word soliton is a coined word: solit from the word solitary, and the on suffix to denote a particle.
 It is well known from psychology that the activities of the unconscious mind are not always brought to awareness. For example, one is never aware of the algorithmic steps taken by one’s own mind to solve problems, such as the problem of understanding the meaning of this sentence. As the problem is solved, the algorithmic steps are hidden from awareness. One becomes aware of only the finished product.
The existence of a solitary particle of awareness, the soliton, is supported by a rare projection experience: During an otherwise ordinary out-of-body experience, the projected population of bions stops sending sensory reports to the accompanying soliton ruler. In other words, the awareness is cut off from all sensory input. At the same time, the soliton remains awake (section 9.3). Call this projection experience a solitonic projection.
A solitonic projection can happen to someone without a prior history of out-of-body experiences, but this seems to be very rare. More likely, a solitonic projection can happen to experienced lucid-dream projectionists, and to bion-body projectionists. The Om meditation method, described in chapter 4, has the potential to elicit a solitonic projection.
The comparative rarity of solitonic projections is indicated by a reading of the principal Upanishads. There seems to be confusion when most of the principal Upanishads talk about the awareness—called the soul in the verses that follow. However, the Katha Upanishad appears knowledgeable on the subject:
Know thou the soul as riding in a chariot,
The body as the chariot.
Know thou the intellect as the chariot-driver,
And the mind as the reins.
The above verse from the Katha Upanishad portrays awareness as separate from the mind, just as the soliton is separate from the bions.
Though He is hidden in all things,
That Soul shines not forth.
But he is seen by subtle seers
With superior, subtle intellect.
A certain wise man, while seeking immortality,
Introspectively beheld the Soul face to face.
The above two verses from the Katha Upanishad are probably talking about a solitonic projection. The starting point of a solitonic projection is either a lucid-dream projection or a bion-body projection. Once all sensory reports cease, the following is experienced: One finds oneself existing as a completely bodiless and mostly mindless awareness—residing at the center of a sphere. All sensory inputs are gone. But it is typically still possible to think to oneself, in which case thought reports are still occurring. Also, one cannot report a solitonic projection unless it is remembered. Therefore, any reportable solitonic projection always involves some interaction, albeit minimal, between the projected bion population and the accompanying soliton ruler.
The perception of a surrounding spherical shell—around the point-like awareness—appears to be a common feature of a solitonic projection. This apparent shell is probably the limit of the soliton’s direct perception when it is in the solitonic-projection state. More specifically, given the solitonic-projection data, it seems that the apparent shell is only a few centimeters in diameter, and, similarly, the accessible information environment for a soliton is only a few centimeters in diameter. This contrasts sharply with bions, which based on ESP data appear to have an accessible information environment with a radius greater than the diameter of the Earth.
Solitonic projections are typically short in duration—lasting less than a minute, or perhaps only a few seconds. For a solitonic projection that occurs during a lucid-dream projection, it typically begins during the sudden acceleration that occurs for long-distance travel. In contrast, a solitonic projection that occurs during a bion-body projection typically begins when the bion body is stationary.
Based on the scanty reports of solitonic projections scattered in the literature, the awareness is separate from the mind. Besides the separateness of the awareness, the point-like quality of the awareness—as experienced during a solitonic projection—is compatible with the awareness being associated with a single particle.
 Hume, op. cit., p. 351.
 Hume, op. cit., p. 352.
 Hume, op. cit., p. 353.
The computing-element reality model allows an afterlife (section 4.1). A brief outline of the stages of the typical afterlife follows:
Upon death, although not necessarily all at once, the entire population of bions abandons the physical body. This fleeing population takes its soliton ruler with it. In other words the soliton accompanies the bion population as it abandons the p-common physical body.
Thus, the first stage of afterlife is roughly equivalent to the bion-body projection experiences of Sylvan Muldoon (section 5.3). However, the afterlife bion body is even more dense than the bion body that Sylvan Muldoon had, because all the bions are included. By analogy with Muldoon, this greater density of the bion body means that the newly dead can see and hear physical objects. However, the fair-play rule prevents them from disturbing anything.
Upon death, most of the bions have lost the purpose that they had when they occupied the physical body. Without cells to manage and care for, most of the bions in the bion body are severely underutilized. The only exception to this are the former bions of the brain that collectively form the mind. These former bions of the brain still have their soliton ruler to serve and interact with. However, the loss of purpose for the other bions is probably the reason that the bion-body stage of afterlife typically has a short duration.
The average duration of the bion-body stage is uncertain, but it seems to be a few weeks or months. And there is some evidence that the older one is when one dies, the shorter the bion-body stage. There is also evidence that a violent or sudden death tends to prolong the bion-body stage.
It is just as well that the bion-body stage typically has a short duration, because the bion body can cause feelings of pain. Also, there is the possibility of the bion body being attacked by other bion bodies, such as when the projected Sylvan Muldoon was attacked by a recently deceased neighbor. However, fights during the bion-body stage can be avoided, just as fights can be avoided during ordinary life.
One way or another, sooner or later, one is freed from the bion body. Presumably, the bion body eventually breaks up as its bions move away to find reuse in the cells of other organisms.
Upon separation from the bion body, a person is not as complete as he once was. What remains with the soliton ruler are those bions that collectively form the mind.
After the bion-body stage, the next stage of afterlife is roughly equivalent to the lucid-dream projection experiences of Oliver Fox (section 5.2). It seems that this lucid-dream stage of afterlife can last for many years, even centuries. In general, there is no pain or distress during the lucid-dream stage. Instead, one leads a benign and possibly enjoyable existence. However, at some point the lucid-dream stage ends, typically in some form of rebirth (aka reincarnation).,,
Regarding the mind’s longevity, the total memory storage in each computing element is finite. Thus, there is a limit on how many memories and how much other data a mind can retain. The management of the available state-information memory of each bion depends on the learned programs of that bion. However, as available memory becomes filled, storing new memories and/or other data requires replacing old data. Thus, an old mind either forgets its past or its present. Also, the finite amount of memory for each computing element may be the primary reason that the human mind has so many bions. The more bions, the more room there is to store memories and other data.
 This first stage of afterlife should not be confused with the many published accounts of NDEs (near-death experiences). During an NDE, the person having the NDE has not yet died, which means in the typical case that most of the bions are still with their cells in the physical body—which is not the case after death has occurred.
There is a large literature on NDEs, and journalist Pierre Jovanovic summarizes the typical experience: “The subject suddenly finds himself outside his body, floats up to the ceiling and observes what is happening around his physical envelope. ... In general the patient does not understand what is happening to him, above all when he discovers that he can pass through walls or when he tries to explain to the doctors that he is not dead. [then] After this observation period, he feels himself sucked at extraordinary speed into a tunnel (drain, pipeline, shaft, tube, canal, etc.) at the end of which he sees a light beckoning him on. ... After having traveled through the tunnel, the subject may meet near and dear ones who died earlier. [then] Fusion with the light, which seems like a living being made of light, overflowing with an unconditional love for the subject. His whole life passes before him like a film, in the space of ten seconds, but in three dimensions, with the effects of his actions and words experienced by others. [then] A dialogue (not aloud but in thought) with the Light being, who ends the encounter by saying: ‘Your hour has not come; you must return and finish your job.’ Sometimes the subject is asked, ‘Do you wish to stay here or return?’ [then] Return to the body.” (Jovanovic, Pierre. An Inquiry into the Existence of Guardian Angels. M. Evans and Co., New York, 1995. pp. 29–30).
Because most of the bions are still with their cells in the physical body, the typical NDE is a lucid-dream projection. The part about being “sucked at extraordinary speed into a tunnel (drain, pipeline, shaft, tube, canal, etc.) at the end of which,” is clearly a description of the acceleration and high-speed movement of that person’s projected mind-piece to a remote location that, in the typical case, is probably many hundreds or thousands of kilometers distant (as mentioned in section 5.2, intelligent particles can accelerate rapidly to a velocity of at least several hundred kilometers per second).
Distant travel, as a common feature of NDEs, is not surprising. An NDE can potentially happen to a person anywhere, but the “near and dear ones who died earlier,” and especially the “Light being,” are going to be at some more or less fixed location in the afterlife domain, which presumably envelops the Earth. Also, the “Light being”—who is, perhaps, a Caretaker (section 7.6)—is probably a specialist in handling NDE encounters. And just as people typically travel as needed to the various specialists in their daily lives, so with an NDE: typically the person having the NDE travels to the specialist, instead of the specialist coming to him.
Regarding the NDE’s life-review, the life-review is probably internally generated by that person’s mind-piece (and not generated by the “Light being”). In effect, the life-review is a highly condensed highlights film: only the self-judged significant parts are reviewed (for example, don’t expect to see a review of what you were doing ten minutes ago, whatever that was).
There is not much time for the life-review to take place, so the data is fed to the soliton at a much higher data rate than is normal for waking consciousness. After the NDE, when the person remembers the life-review experience, that remembering takes place at the normal data rate. This causes the person remembering the experience to make typically exaggerated comments about how his whole life was lived in a few moments—when he compares the believed duration of the original experience with the duration of the remembering.
Note that the feeding of data to the soliton at a much higher data rate than normal is also typical for serious accidents. I have an anecdote that illustrates this: In 1986 I was in my car, a 1984 Mercury Capri, stopped at a red traffic light, waiting behind a large garbage truck. Then the traffic light changed to green, and the traffic in the adjoining lane, going in the same direction as my car, was already moving. But for some reason the garbage truck in front of me was not moving. A few seconds passed, and I was just sitting there in my car waiting for that garbage truck to move—wondering why it wasn’t moving. Then, time suddenly slowed: as if in slow motion, my car, with me in it, was thrown forward, smashing into the back tires of that garbage truck, which had still not moved (my car had been hit from behind by a red MG sports car, driven by a young woman who was bloodied and hurt from that crash, but not too badly, although her car was totaled; I had my seat-belt on and was not hurt, but my car was damaged at both ends). The garbage truck was only a few feet in front of my car, and it seems safe to say that from the moment of the initial impact from behind, until the moment that my car was stopped by its impact with that garbage truck, that less than a second had elapsed. And yet, my experience and memory of that time period seemed to last for many seconds (a rough guess would be between five and ten seconds).
As a final note regarding the soliton and its perception of the passage of time, it is a common observation that a day seems longer when one is a child, and gets shorter as one grows older. The likely explanation is that the average rate at which data is fed to the soliton decreases with age: time shortens as one grows older.
 Rebirth is an old belief with a long history, and there is a large literature. The psychiatrist Ian Stevenson has collected over 2,600 reported cases of past-life memories, and he has written extensively on the subject. In one of his books (Stevenson, Ian. Where Reincarnation and Biology Intersect. Praeger Publishers, Westport CT, 1997), Stevenson presents cases that show a correlation between conditions or happenings in the most recent previous life, and current marks or defects on the body. For example, in some cases a birthmark marks the location of a fatal wound received in the previous life.
Regarding what accompanies the soliton into the new body, there are several considerations: the fact that the soliton finds its way into the new body, despite the soliton’s small accessible information environment; the evidence in the literature that some children accurately recall at least some details from their most recent previous life; the evidence presented by Stevenson that the new body can be marked according to conditions or happenings in the previous life. From these various considerations, a necessary conclusion is that during the rebirth process, the soliton remains in the company of at least some if not all of the bions that were with it during the lucid-dream stage. And it is these bions that account for the navigation to the new body, the past-life memories, and the marks made on the new body.
 Assuming rebirth, and assuming that most of those currently being born as human were also human in their previous embodied life, this means that because the embodied human population has grown manyfold in the last few centuries (I am writing this footnote in 2005), the average time spent in the afterlife between one embodied human life and the next, has decreased proportionately during that time. As the embodied human population continues to grow, the average time spent in the afterlife between successive human embodiments will continue to decrease.
My own opinion, based on my study of the rebirth literature and other considerations, is that roughly a century or two before the end of the 20th century, the average time between successive human embodiments was measured in centuries, but by the end of the 20th century the average time between successive human embodiments is measured in decades, perhaps only a few decades. At some point the embodied human population will stop growing and start shrinking, and the current trend toward less time in the afterlife will reverse.
 Astrology associates solar and/or planetary positions—relative to the Earth—with specific influences on human personality and/or events. For any given culture that has an astrological system, there may be a kernel of truth in that system, but the rest of the system is probably dross that has accumulated over time, due to the need of professional astrologers to add to the complexity of the system and broaden its claims, so as to increase the demand for their services and the amount of money they can charge for those services.
In the case of the astrological system of the European peoples, there seems to be, in at least some cases, a correlation between personality and sun sign (i.e., the person has, to some extent, the personality predicted by his birth zodiac sign: Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo, Virgo, Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius, Capricorn, Aquarius, or Pisces).
Such a correlation is possible, given the computing-element reality model, but the details of the mechanism by which the correlation is maintained are not clear. One possibility is that there is some sort of “birds of a feather flock together” effect going on, in which people are reborn in large groups that self-segregate based on planned personality characteristics in the next life, done by those bions from the lucid-dream stage that accompany the soliton into the new body.
 The Caretakers (section 7.6) are probably longer lived than humans, but not immortal. In a hypothetical society of immortals, relearning forgotten or soon-to-be-forgotten material would be an ongoing process.
This chapter considers the evolution of organic life. The explanation for evolution offered by the computing-element reality model involves both Lamarckian evolution and a civilization of beings called Caretakers. The chapter sections are:
With regard to organic life, evolution states that new organic life-forms are derived from older organic life-forms. Often this derivation involves an increase in complexity, but this is not a requirement of evolution.
The idea of evolution is very old. A theory of evolution, such as Darwin’s theory, or Lamarck’s theory, offers an explanation of the mechanism of evolution.
In more general terms, evolution is a process by which something new is created by modifying something old. This kind of evolution is so common thruout human activity that one takes it for granted. Almost every modern man-made product is at least partly derived from knowledge that was previously developed and used to make one or more preexisting products. For example, if a group of engineers is asked to design a new car, they do not throw out everything known about cars and reinvent the wheel.
The mathematics-only reality model would have one believe that the entire history of organic life—including the transformation of the early atmosphere to the current atmosphere, and the active ongoing maintenance of the current atmosphere in a state of disequilibrium—was accomplished in its entirety by common particles jostled about by random events.
Intelligent processes are too complicated to be explained by mathematical equations. Therefore, the mathematics-only reality model denies that there is any intelligence at the deepest level of the universe. By a process of elimination, the mathematics-only reality model has only common particles and random events with which to explain all the many innovations during the history of organic life.
 The oldest known organic life is bacteria. The fossil record shows that bacteria first appeared at least 3½ billion years ago. Since then, organic life has radically altered the atmosphere. For example, the removal of carbon dioxide from the atmosphere probably started with the first appearance of bacteria; and all the oxygen in the atmosphere originated from photosynthesis, an organic process.
The assertion that organic life actively maintains the atmosphere to suit its own needs, is known as the Gaia Hypothesis. The Gaia Hypothesis was developed by atmospherics scientist James Lovelock. While working as a NASA consultant during the 1960s, Lovelock noticed that Venus and Mars—the two nearest planets whose orbits bracket the Earth—both have atmospheres that are mostly carbon dioxide. As a means to explain the comparatively anomalous Earth atmosphere, he formulated the Gaia Hypothesis (Margulis, Lynn, and Gregory Hinkle. “The Biota and Gaia: 150 Years of Support for Environmental Sciences.” In Scientists on Gaia, Stephen Schneider and Penelope Boston, eds. MIT press, Cambridge, 1993).
The current atmosphere of the Earth is not self-sustaining. It is not an equilibrium atmosphere that would persist if organic life on the Earth disappeared. Instead, the atmosphere is mostly a product of life, and is actively maintained in its present condition by life. The composition of the atmosphere by volume is roughly 78% nitrogen, 21% oxygen, 1% argon, and 0.03% carbon dioxide. Other gases are present in smaller amounts. As Lovelock states in his book Gaia, if life on Earth were eliminated, the oxygen would slowly leave the atmosphere by such routes as reacting with the nitrogen. After a million years or so, the Earth would have its equilibrium atmosphere: The argon would remain, and there would be more carbon dioxide. But the oxygen would be gone, along with much of the nitrogen (Lovelock, James. Gaia. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1982. pp. 44–46). However, instead of moving to this equilibrium state, the atmosphere is maintained in disequilibrium by the coordinated activities of the biosphere.
One of the more interesting examples of control over the atmosphere by organic life is the production of ammonia. The presence of ammonia in the atmosphere counteracts the acids produced by the oxidation of nitrogen and sulfur. Lovelock estimated that without ammonia production by the biosphere, rainwater would be as acid as vinegar (Ibid., pp. 68, 77). Instead, there is just enough ammonia produced to counteract the acids and keep the rainwater close to neutral. Besides ammonia production, there are many other Gaian processes (Shearer, Walter. “A Selection of Biogenic Influences Relevant to the Gaia Hypothesis.” In Scientists on Gaia, op. cit.).
Darwinism—named after the British naturalist Charles Darwin, who first proposed his theory in the mid 19th century—is a theory of how organic evolution has happened. The theory states that during the production of a child organism, random events can cause random changes in that child organism’s characteristics. Then, if these new characteristics are a net benefit to that organism, that organism is more likely to survive and reproduce, thereby passing on these new characteristics to its children.
Darwin’s theory has two parts. The first part identifies the designer of organic life as randomness. The second part, called natural selection, is the means by which good designs are preserved and bad designs are eliminated. Natural selection is accomplished by the environment in which the organism lives.
As discussed in the previous section, random events applied to common particles is the only mechanism allowed by the mathematics-only reality model for the evolution of organic life. Thus, in effect, Darwinism applies the mathematics-only reality model to the question of how organic life has come about. This is the reason Darwinism is embraced by those who embrace the mathematics-only reality model.
The strong point of Darwinism is natural selection (for example, see the use of natural selection in explaining the evolution of learned programs, in section 3.6). The weak point of Darwinism is its exclusive reliance on random events as the cause of the changes winnowed by natural selection.
 As was described in chapter 2, the production of sex cells has steps in which the genetic inheritance from both parents is randomly mixed to form the genetic inheritance carried by each sex cell. Thus, for sexually reproducing organisms, randomness does play an important role in fine-tuning a species to its environment, insofar as that species is defined by its genetic inheritance.
Although sexual reproduction uses randomness—as part of the total sexual reproduction process—that does not mean, as Darwinism would have it, that the process itself was produced by random physical events. For example, in computer science there are many different optimization problems whose solutions are most efficiently approximated by randomly trying different possibilities and keeping only those tries that improve the quality of the solution. This is a standard technique. However, because a computer program uses randomness to find a solution, that does not mean that the program itself was produced by random physical events. Quite the contrary, the programs of computer science were produced by intelligent designers—namely computer scientists and programmers.
In the computing-element reality model, randomness is assumed to play an important role in the origin of learned programs, because, in essence, the trial-by-error learning algorithm (section 3.6) is an algorithm that makes random changes within the confines defined for that algorithm.
In various forms, the probability argument against the randomness of Darwinism—in which odds are computed or estimated—has been made by many different scientists since Darwinism was first proposed. One way to make the probability argument is to use the known structure of major organic molecules such as DNA and protein., For example, the probability p of getting in one trial an exact sequence of N links, when there are C different equally likely choices for each link, is:
Applying this equation to DNA, where C is 4—or to protein, where C is 20—quickly gives infinitesimally small values of p as N increases. For example, consider the DNA needs of the first self-reproducing bacterium (until self-reproduction enters the picture, Darwinian natural selection has nothing to work with). In an effort to raise p: assume that the DNA needed to code the bacterium is only 10,000 links (this is enough to code a small number of proteins, totaling about 3,300 protein links); assume that at any DNA link, any two of the four bases will be adequate in coding the DNA for that link, because, presumably, there are many DNA sequences for our 10,000-link DNA that would adequately code a usable set of proteins for the first self-reproducing bacterium (this assumption lowers C from 4 to 2); assume that the number of trials done, which is multiplied by p, is a million trials per second (106) for the estimated age of our Milky Way galaxy (15 billion years is roughly 1018 seconds) for each elementary physical particle in the visible universe (estimated by physicists at roughly 1080 particles); and assume that nothing else is needed, other than this DNA strand, to make the first self-reproducing bacterium (a very generous, albeit ridiculous assumption). With these assumptions the probability of the first bacterium arising by chance is:
||×106 ×1018 ×1080 ≈ 10–2,906|
In other words, the odds are roughly 102,906 to one, against.
 Each molecule of DNA is a long molecule composed of chemical units called bases. These bases are strung together like links on a chain. There are four bases. Thus, there are four choices for each link.
The sequence of bases in an organism’s DNA is very important, because this sequence is the means by which DNA stores information, which is known to include the structure of individual proteins. A bacterium—the simplest organic life that can reproduce itself without the need to parasitize other cells—typically has many strands of DNA, containing altogether hundreds of thousands or millions of bases.
 A protein is a long folded molecule. Just as DNA is composed of a sequence of smaller building blocks, so is protein. However, whereas the building blocks of DNA are four different bases, the building blocks of protein are twenty different amino acids. Although a protein has more choices per link, a protein rarely exceeds several thousand links in length.
A bacterium has several thousand different proteins. The average length of these different proteins is somewhere in the hundreds of links.
 Any self-reproducing machine in the physical universe must meet certain theoretical requirements. A self-reproducing machine must have a wall to protect and hold together its contents. Behind this wall the self-reproducing machine needs a power plant to run its machinery, including machinery to bring in raw materials from outside the wall. Also, machinery is needed to transform the raw materials into the components needed to build a copy of the self-reproducing machine. And machinery is needed to assemble these components.
All this transport, transformation, and assembly machinery, requires a guidance mechanism. For example, there must be some coordinated assembly of the manufactured components into the new copy of the self-reproducing machine. Thus, the guidance mechanism cannot be too trivial, because its complexity must include a construction plan for the entire self-reproducing machine.
The requirements of a wall, power plant, transport machinery, transformation machinery, assembly machinery, and a guidance mechanism—all working together to cause self-reproduction—are not easily met. Consider the fact that there are no man-made self-reproducing machines.
The Behe test refers to the main argument made against Darwinism by the biochemist Michael Behe:
By irreducibly complex I mean a single system composed of several well-matched, interacting parts that contribute to the basic function, wherein the removal of any one of the parts causes the system to effectively cease functioning. An irreducibly complex system cannot be produced directly (that is, by continuously improving the initial function, which continues to work by the same mechanism) by slight, successive modifications of a precursor system, because any precursor to an irreducibly complex system that is missing a part is by definition nonfunctional. An irreducibly complex biological system, if there is such a thing, would be a powerful challenge to Darwinian evolution. Since natural selection can only choose systems that are already working, then if a biological system cannot be produced gradually it would have to arise as an integrated unit, in one fell swoop, for natural selection to have anything to act on.
After giving the example of a mousetrap as an irreducibly complex system, Behe then gives several detailed examples of specific biochemical systems that are irreducibly complex: the cilium; the bacterial flagellum; blood clotting; the immune system’s clonal selection, antibody diversity, and complement system.
By focusing on the issue of irreducibly complex systems, and being clear about that focus, Behe avoids the strong part of Darwinism, which is natural selection, and instead concentrates on the weak part of Darwinism, which states that random physical events are the cause of the changes winnowed by natural selection. Note that the previous section uses as its probability example the DNA needs of the first self-reproducing bacterium, so as to avoid any possible involvement of natural selection.
Calculating the probability for one of the irreducibly complex biochemical systems given by Behe, assuming the system arose by chance, is non-trivial. However, mathematician William Dembski, in his book No Free Lunch, tackles the specific problem of calculating a probability for the formation of a bacterial flagellum by chance. For a bacterium that has one or more flagella, its flagella are a means of moving that bacterium about in its watery environment. Each flagellum has a long whip-like filament that extends outward from the bacterium’s cell wall. This filament is attached to a structure, called a hook, that acts as a universal joint which connects the filament to a specialized structure embedded in the cell wall that acts as a bi-directional motor that can rotate the filament in either a clockwise or counterclockwise direction. Because of the helically wound structure of the filament, one of these rotation directions causes the spinning filament to act like a propeller that pushes the bacterium in one direction, and the opposite rotation causes the spinning filament to act as a destabilizer that causes the bacterium to tumble (the bacterium tumbles when it wants to change the direction it is moving in).
For comparison purposes, Dembski first calculates what he calls a universal probability bound, the idea of which is that anything dependent on chance whose probability is smaller than this universal probability bound is extremely unlikely to happen no matter how much time and material resources in the universe one invokes on the side of chance. His universal probability bound, which is very generous to those who want to invoke Darwinism and its reliance on chance, is computed as follows (1080 is the estimate by physicists of the number of elementary physical particles in the visible universe; 1045 is roughly the number of Planck-time intervals in one second; 1025 is more than ten million times the age of our Milky Way galaxy in seconds):
Thus, given this universal probability bound, anything with a probability less than 10–150 can be safely dismissed as so unlikely that there is no reason to consider it as possible when offering an explanation for the formation of an irreducibly complex biochemical system.
Dembski then defines an equation for the probability of a structure arising by chance. His equation may be written as:
pstructure = poriginate-parts × plocalize-parts × pconfigure-parts
In the above equation, pstructure is the probability of getting either the specified structure or a functionally equivalent structure; poriginate-parts is the probability of originating all the parts that are needed to build an instance of the specified structure or a functionally equivalent structure; plocalize-parts is the probability that the needed parts are located together at the construction site; pconfigure-parts is the probability that the localized parts are configured (assembled) in such a way that either the specified structure or a functionally equivalent structure results.
At this point one may object to the application of the above equation to the structure of a bacterial flagellum, by raising the current assumption in biology that cellular structures such as the bacterial flagellum are completely encoded in the DNA (this encoding is typically assumed to include, in effect, localization and assembly instructions, even though at present the only code in DNA that has been deciphered is the code that specifies the structure of individual proteins). However, even if one grants this current assumption in biology, the above equation is still applicable, because the information content that one then assumes arose by chance in the DNA to fully specify a bacterial flagellum, must overcome whatever random chance events oppose that specification’s realization. In effect, 1 – pstructure is a measure of the random chance events that oppose that specification’s realization. Thus, the imagined specification in the DNA must have a specificational complexity whose probability of arising by chance is similar to the probability pstructure.
In Dembski’s computation of pstructure for a bacterial flagellum, the parts of the structure are individual proteins. For the Escherichia coli bacterium, Dembski refers to the technical literature and says that about 50 different proteins are needed to make the flagellum, with about 30 different proteins being in the final form of the flagellum, including:
The filament that serves as the propeller for the flagellum makes up over 90 percent of the flagellum’s mass and is comprised of more than 20,000 subunits of flagellin protein (FliC). … The three ring proteins (FlgH, I, and F) are present in about 26 subunits each. The proximal rod requires 6 subunits, FliE 9 subunits, and FliP about 5 subunits. The distal rod consists of about 25 subunits. The hook (or U-joint) consists of about 130 subunits of FlgE.
Given these details, Dembski computes plocalize-parts as follows:
Let us therefore assume that 5 copies of each of the 50 proteins required to construct E. coli’s flagellum are required for a functioning flagellum (this is extremely conservative—all the numbers above were at least that and some far exceeded it, for example, the 20,000 subunits of flagellin protein in the filament). We have already assumed that each of these proteins permits 10 interchangeable proteins. That corresponds to 500 proteins in E. coli’s “protein supermarket” that could legitimately go into a flagellum. By randomly selecting proteins from E. coli’s “protein supermarket,” we need to get 5 copies of each of the 50 required proteins or a total of 250 proteins. Moreover, since each of the 50 required proteins has by assumption 10 interchangeable alternates, there are 500 proteins in E. coli from which these 250 can be drawn. But those 500 reside within a “protein supermarket” of 4,289 [different] proteins. Randomly picking 250 proteins and having them all fall among those 500 therefore has probability (500/4,289)250, which has order of magnitude 10–234 and falls considerably below the universal probability bound of 10–150.
For computing probability poriginate-parts, Dembski is willing to concede a value of 1 (certainty) if one wants to assume that the needed proteins are already coded in the bacterium’s DNA for other uses. For computing probability pconfigure-parts, the computational approach used by Dembski is more complex than that used for computing plocalize-parts, but gives a similar result of a probability that is much smaller than his universal probability bound of 10–150.
 Behe, Michael. Darwin’s Black Box. Touchstone, New York, 1998. p. 39.
 Ibid., pp. 59–65.
 Ibid., pp. 69–72.
 Ibid., pp. 79–96.
 Ibid., pp. 120–138.
 Dembski, William. No Free Lunch: Why Specified Complexity Cannot Be Purchased without Intelligence. Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Lanham Maryland, 2002. pp. 289–302.
 Ibid., pp. 21–22.
 Ibid., p. 291. The pstructure equation is equivalent to—but more descriptively labeled than—the pdco equation given by Dembski.
 The analysis in this paragraph is mine not Dembski’s, because this objection is not dealt with in Dembski’s book No Free Lunch.
 Ibid., p 293.
 Ibid., p 293.
Like the mathematics-only reality model, the computing-element reality model also offers the same possible explanation for the evolution of organic life: common particles jostled about by random events. However, as shown in the previous sections, this is not a viable explanation, and is not considered further.
Another possible explanation is that the computing-element program explicitly programs the details of organic life. For example, the computing-element program could include the details of the DNA, proteins, and other molecules, in the first bacterium. However, this possible explanation, which is not considered further, is weak for many reasons, not the least of which is that it greatly increases the complexity of the computing-element program.
Another explanation—and much more promising—is that the evolution of organic life is the result of the cooperative action of intelligent particles—beginning in the remote past at least 3½ billion years ago, and continuing into the present. Note that with the availability of intelligent particles, there are two basic approaches in which intelligent particles can be involved with the evolution of organic life:
An inside-out process: Design innovations in an organism originate from the intelligent particles that occupy a specific instance of that organism. Once made, an innovation can be copied from the originating population of bions to other bion populations that occupy and develop new instances of that organism. In effect, this is Lamarckian evolution.
An outside-in process: There is nothing in the computing-element reality model that implies a need for common particles in the composition of a sentient being. Instead, only intelligent particles are needed. And as indicated in earlier chapters, even we humans, who have p-common bodies, exist quite well without them. Thus, given these considerations, it seems very likely that a large fraction of the sentient beings in the universe do not have a p-common body, and never have one at any time in their life-cycle (unlike for example humans who alternate having a p-common body with not having one).
It is likely that civilizations of such beings exist widely thruout the universe. And it is likely that at least some of these civilizations are highly advanced in their ability to interact with p-common particles, and in their scientific knowledge of p-common particles.
For the members of such a civilization, their interaction with p-common particles would first include direct manipulation of p-common particles by means of learned programs (until the advent of such learned programs, the beings would be unable, in effect, to “touch” any physical matter). Then, once the beings can directly manipulate physical matter, they can then proceed—more or less in the same way that humanity has proceeded—to master the science of p-common particles; and then, as their interests and needs dictate, they can use that knowledge to construct highly sophisticated p-common environments and/or machines.
Thus, given the computing-element reality model, it is possible that such a civilization, wise in the ways of p-common particles, existed in our solar system more than 3½ billion years ago—before the beginning of organic life on Earth. And it is possible that this same civilization, or a more evolved version of it, still occupies our solar system today. Presumably, the members of this civilization would each be composed of intelligent particles, in the same basic pattern as man: a single intelligent awareness particle ruling a large, cooperating population of intelligent unaware particles (i.e., a soliton ruling bions).,
The way in which this civilization could be involved with the evolution of organic life on Earth is fourfold:
They may have played a role in terraforming the Earth.
They could be the source for the original versions of many of the learned programs in our own minds.
Assuming that they have deciphered the DNA language, they could act as intelligent breeders within the limits of what the DNA language allows: for example, they could modify an organism’s DNA, and insert that modified DNA into an egg.
They could act directly for or against specific species, either in an effort to eradicate them, or in an effort to preserve them.
This range of possible activity with regard to Earth’s organic life suggests for this civilization the name of Caretakers.
Organic life depends on learned programs that, in effect, carry the knowledge and ability to construct and operate the organic structures that compose a given organism. These organic structures range in scale from organic molecules, such as DNA and protein, up to complete organs, such as the heart and lungs, and finally up to the entire organism.
Regarding learned programs in general, learned programs cannot be directly programmed into intelligent particles by any mechanism other than the computing-element program and its learning algorithms (section 3.6). The reason for this limitation is that the computing elements are inaccessible: All particles, whether intelligent or common, are data stored in computing elements (chapter 1). Thus, particles—as an effect of the computing elements—cannot be used to directly probe and/or manipulate the computing elements. Thus, for example, no civilization in this universe can ever know the actual instruction set of the computing elements, nor can it ever know the actual programming language of learned programs. Thus, no civilization in this universe can ever write, as one writes on paper, a new set of learned programs, and then program those learned programs into one or more computing elements. Thus, for example, it is not possible that in the remote past, that the Caretaker civilization designed and then caused to come into existence the first self-reproducing bacterium, because they could neither write nor program the learned programs needed by whichever bion would operate that first bacterium. Thus, only Lamarckian evolution can be the cause of an organic feature that requires a new or modified learned program to go along with that organic feature.
However, where the Caretakers can play a role is in being a source of learned programs for non-organic capabilities—such as mental capabilities. Thus, many of the learned programs in the human mind may ultimately trace back to the Caretakers. Also, the Caretakers can play a role in the large-scale needs of organic life on a planetary scale. For example, it is possible that the Caretakers have played a role in terraforming the early Earth, such as by hauling water to this planet from comets further out in the solar system.
The next chapter considers in more detail what seem to be the current activities of the Caretakers with regard to this planet, and in particular with regard to human life.
 If the innovation is a change to one or more learned programs, then the copying that is done is the copying of those learned programs from one population of bions to another.
If the innovation is a change that can be recorded into that organism’s DNA—such as recording, for example, a new design for a specific protein—then, in accordance with the rules for DNA encoding of information, that change can be made by that organism’s bions to that organism’s germ-cell DNA, and allowed to propagate thru the normal reproduction means for that organism. Presumably the rules for DNA encoding of information exist in one or more learned programs that all cell-occupying bions share, so that they all speak the same DNA language.
 Lamarckism—named after the French naturalist Jean Lamarck who proposed his theory in the early 19th century—is a theory of how organic evolution has happened. His theory states that an organism can adapt to its environment by making structural changes to itself, which can then be inherited.
Historically, Lamarckism was replaced by Darwinism due to Darwinism’s better fit with the mathematics-only reality model. Also, Lamarckism had the drawback that there is no apparent physical mechanism by which Lamarckism could happen. However, this objection is removed by the computing-element reality model, because intelligent particles provide the means by which Lamarckian changes can take place.
 Even though the beings, by means of their learned programs for manipulating p-common particles, would presumably have telekinetic and materialization powers (section 4.1), these powers would necessarily be limited in their scale, because the underlying learned-program statements can only process, and thereby affect, a limited number of p-common particles per unit time. In practice, this limitation is quite severe (for example, see the discussion of Sai Baba in section 9.4, who at his apparent best could only materialize a few kilograms of p-common particles per second). Thus, for example, if the beings want a terraformed planet, they cannot simply make such a planet by direct use of their learned programs.
Also, consider the limitations of a learned program to materialize p-common objects: Could a learned program, for example, materialize a 386 microprocessor, or some functional equivalent, if there is no nearby preexisting instance of such a microprocessor that the learned program could, in effect, scan, and therefrom make a more or less exact copy? The answer is no, because there are no learned-program statements that say, in effect, give me a 386 microprocessor, or some functional equivalent—for the same reasons that the computing-element program does not contain the designs of organic life. Thus, if the beings want, for example, a p-common computer, they cannot simply materialize one if they have none to begin with. Instead, they must first master the science of p-common particles, and then design and build that first instance. Only after doing so—and only if the object is sufficiently small—can the beings then use their learned programs to materialize copies.
 This basic pattern—a single intelligent awareness particle ruling a large, cooperating population of intelligent unaware particles—is probably also found in the larger and more intelligent animals—such as dogs, cats, elephants, whales, dolphins, horses, apes, chimpanzees, owls, and parrots. But exactly where the dividing-line falls—in other words, of those animal species that clearly have a complex mind, which of those species, if any, lack a soliton—is not an easy question. For example, do cattle have solitons? The mere fact that cattle are routinely butchered for food in many countries during the 20th century, does not necessarily mean that these animals lack a soliton, and consequently are unaware.
 The members of this civilization would differ from man primarily in terms of their learned programs. For example, because they do not have organic bodies, and apparently have no p-common body of any kind, their bions would not have any learned programs dealing with cell matters, such as organic chemistry and the DNA language.
 For example, the arising by means of Lamarckian evolution of a parasitic or poisonous species that is judged too damaging, could be singled out for eradication—assuming that eradication is possible.
 For example, during extinction events caused by comets and asteroids, such as the Cretaceous extinction event of roughly 65 million years ago, some species could be singled out for preservation. Representative members of a species could be collected and kept in a protected environment for as long as needed, until they can be safely reintroduced into the Earth’s biosphere.
In theory, an extinction event could also be arranged, so as to allow a general “housecleaning” of the Earth’s biosphere, followed by the selective reintroduction of those species wanted on the newly “cleaned” Earth.
 The Caretakers, in theory, could have designed the molecular composition of the first bacterium—its DNA, proteins, etc. But without a bion to animate it, the Caretakers would have had only a lifeless lump of organic matter—a lump that would, among other things, have been unable to reproduce itself.
 The transport of water to the Earth may be an ongoing process. Geophysicists Louis Frank and John Sigwarth have published a number of papers during the 1980s and 1990s regarding what they call small comets. Their claim, based on Earth-observing satellite data, is that:
Every few seconds a ‘snowball’ the size of a small house breaks up as it approaches Earth and deposits a large cloud of water vapor in Earth’s upper atmosphere. [quoted from their website at http://smallcomets.physics.uiowa.edu]
If this alleged influx of snowballs is correct, then it may be that this influx is the result of a deliberate transport program operated by the Caretakers.
Frank and Sigwarth have calculated that the infall rate of these small comets can account for the Earth’s oceans. Regarding the origin of the Earth’s oceans, geologist David Deming comments:
No existing theory of ocean origin by outgassing or rapid accretion on a very young Earth survives falsification. The unifying theory that explains both the origin of the ocean and the continents is the slow and gradual accumulation of water on the surface of the Earth by extraterrestrial accretion. [Eos. Trans. AGU, 82(47), Fall Meet. Suppl., Abstract U52A–0006, 2001]
This chapter briefly surveys what is known about UFOs, by describing the UFO and the UFO occupants. After the survey, an evaluation of the evidence concludes that the UFO occupants are the Caretakers. The possibility of interstellar travel by the Caretakers, and their involvement with miracles, are also considered. The chapter sections are:
Starting with the flood of American UFO reports that occurred in 1947, the US Air Force established an official investigation in September 1947, which existed under different names until December 1969 when it was closed. For most of its life the investigation was lightly staffed and had a policy of debunking and dismissing each one of the thousands of UFO reports that accumulated in its files.
An astronomy professor, J. Allen Hynek, was a consultant to the investigation from 1952 to 1966. However, he quit in disgust after being subjected to public ridicule for his infamous “swamp gas” explanation of the March 21, 1966, UFO sighting on the Hillsdale College campus in Michigan: On the night of March 21, a civil-defense director, a college dean, and eighty-seven students, witnessed the wild maneuvers of a car-sized football-shaped UFO. Keith Thompson, in his book Angels and Aliens, summarizes: “The curtain came down on this four-hour performance when the mysterious object maneuvered over a swamp near the Hillsdale College campus.”
Although initially disbelieving, Hynek underwent a conversion during the 1960s as he was overcome by the weight of evidential UFO reports. He had personally investigated many of these reports by interviewing UFO witnesses as part of his role with the Air Force as a UFO debunker. In a 1975 conference paper, quoted by Leonard Stringfield in his book Situation Red, Hynek summarized his position as follows:
If you object, I ask you to explain—quantitatively, not qualitatively—the reported phenomena of materialization and dematerialization, of shape changes, of the noiseless hovering in the earth’s gravitational field, accelerations that—for an appreciable mass—require energy sources far beyond present capabilities—even theoretical capabilities—the well-known and often reported E-M effects, the psychic effects on percipients, including purported telepathic communications, the preferential occurrence of UFO experiences to the “repeaters”—those who are reported to have so many more UFO sightings that it outrages the noble art of statistics.
The statement about materialization and dematerialization refers to reports where the UFO becomes visible or invisible while being stationary. The statement about shape changes refers to reports where a UFO undergoes a major change in its apparent shape—such as when two smaller UFOs join to form a single larger UFO. The statement about E-M effects refers to electromagnetic effects, such as the bright lights and light beams that often emanate from UFOs. Also, there is the effect that UFOs can have on electrical machinery. For example, a UFO in proximity to a car typically stops that car’s engine.
UFO sightings are not evenly distributed over time. Instead, the sightings tend to clump together in what are called waves. During a UFO wave, the number of reported sightings is much higher than normal. Waves are typically confined geographically. For example, France experienced a large wave in 1954, which included landings and observed occupants. Sweden and Finland experienced a wave beginning in 1946 and lasting till 1948. In that wave, the UFOs were cigar-shaped objects which were termed at the time ghost rockets. More recent was the wave in Belgium that began in November 1989 and lasted thru March 1990. The American waves include those of 1897, 1947, 1952, 1957, 1966, and 1973. Computer scientist Jacques Vallee, in his book Anatomy of a Phenomenon, summarizes some earlier sightings:
Their attention, for example, should be directed to the ship that was seen speeding across the sky, at night, in Scotland in A.D. 60. In 763, while King Domnall Mac Murchada attended the fair at Teltown, in Meath County, ships were also seen in the air. In 916, in Hungary, spherical objects shining like stars, bright and polished, were reported going to and fro in the sky. Somewhere at sea, on July 29 or 30 of the year 966, a luminous vertical cylinder was seen.... In Japan, on August 23, 1015, two objects were seen giving birth to small luminous spheres. At Cairo in August 1027, numerous noisy objects were reported. A large silvery disk is said to have come close to the ground in Japan on August 12, 1133.
There is no standard size, shape, or coloring of UFOs. Reported sizes, as measured along the widest dimension, have ranged from less than a meter to more than a thousand meters. However, most reported UFOs whose size was observed from the ground at close range were roughly between a small car and a large truck in size. In modern times, most UFOs have resembled spheres, cylinders, saucers, or triangles with rounded angles. Sometimes the observed UFO has a distinct dome, and sometimes the UFO has what appear to be windows or portholes.
When viewed as solid objects, UFOs often have a shiny metallic finish, although dark colors are also sometimes reported. When viewed as lights, or as flashing lights on a UFO body, typical colors seem to be white and red, with other colors, such as yellow, blue, and green, reported less frequently.
 The Roswell hoax—the alleged crash of a UFO in Roswell, New Mexico, and the subsequent recovery and dissection by the US military of several dead alien crash victims—dates to an event in July 1947: Debris from a crashed balloon (the balloon was part of a secret project by the US military named Project Mogul) was misidentified by an Army Air Force intelligence officer who knew nothing of the secret project as the remains of a crashed saucer (apparently because of the very recent and widespread US news coverage about “flying saucers”). This misidentification was reported in the local Roswell newspaper and then reported across the US. But within a few days the US military retracted the story as a misidentification of debris that belonged to a weather balloon (Project Mogul was a military secret and not declassified and made public until 1994, so a more accurate and detailed explanation was not forthcoming).
Although the Roswell event dates to 1947, the Roswell myth did not grow large until the 1980s and 1990s, when many books were written on the subject. As researcher Kal Korff says, “The Roswell ‘UFO crash’ of 1947 is not the only case in UFO history to be blown out of proportion, nor is it going to be the last. ... Let’s not pull punches here: The Roswell UFO myth has been very good business for UFO groups, publishers, for Hollywood, the town of Roswell, the media, and UFOlogy.” (Korff, Kal. The Roswell UFO Crash: What They Don’t Want You to Know. Prometheus Books, Amherst NY, 1997. pp. 217–218).
Although money is an important factor in explaining the peddling of the Roswell myth as factual, there is perhaps a bigger reason that explains why there was a demand for this myth: The mathematics-only reality model does not allow UFOs and their occupants—if they are real—to be something that the mathematics-only reality model cannot explain. But the commonly reported characteristics of the occupants—for example, their widely reported use of telepathy—cannot be explained by the mathematics-only reality model. Thus, because the mathematics-only reality model is the dominant reality model of the 20th century, and many people believe this model, this belief creates a potential paying public for false UFO stories—such as Roswell—to counteract and contradict the UFO evidence that undermines the mathematics-only reality model. Thus, the creation and consequent peddling of both the Roswell myth and similar crash-and-recovery myths; the ultimate purpose of which is to place the aliens on the dissection table, so as to expose them as physical, as the mathematics-only reality model requires.
 Thompson, Keith. Angels and Aliens. Addison-Wesley, New York, 1991. pp. 80–84.
 Ibid., p. 81.
 Ibid., pp. 80, 83–84, 117.
 Stringfield, Leonard. Situation Red: The UFO Siege. Fawcett Crest Books, New York, 1977. p. 44.
 Because UFOs have the ability to accelerate and decelerate so quickly—faster than the eye can follow—this ability is typically given as the explanation for the reports of materializing and dematerializing UFOs. And this is probably the correct explanation, assuming that the UFO involved is physical.
 Vallee, Jacques. Anatomy of a Phenomenon. Ace Books, New York, 1965. p. 21.
 Although typically classified in the UFO literature simply as UFOs—because they are seen as unidentified objects moving thru the sky—the smallest objects, typically seen as small balls of light less than a meter in size (and which are sometimes seen moving in formation, and are often seen moving to and from a larger UFO), are, apparently, individual intelligent-particle beings. For example: “Also common within abduction reports is the ball-of-light visitation. They have been dubbed ‘bedroom lights’ by UFO researchers. Sometimes the glowing ball will dissipate and disgorge an alien entity. At other times, the alien entity will dissipate and become a luminous ball. Again, with the feeling of deja vu, I too had an encounter with a small light hovering before my bed when I was a child.” (Fowler, Raymond. The Allagash Abductions. Wild Flower Press, Tigard OR, 1993. p. 197).
The “dissipation” that UFO researcher Raymond Fowler is referring to in the above quote is probably the reorganization of that being’s bion population, either to or from whatever shape that being assumes when it is about to interact with people. As with the bion bodies described in section 5.3, the being’s bions can potentially assume any collective shape by individually using the learned-program move statement to make changes in position relative to each other. Presumably, when moving at speed, the beings assume the undifferentiated shape of a ball, because that shape is more conducive for high-speed travel. In either case, whether the being appears as a ball or in some alien form, and whether the being is flying thru the air or moving about on the ground, its motive power is the learned-program move statement, used by that being’s intelligent particles. By using the move statement synchronously, to move together, the intelligent particles that compose that being—whether that being is in a ball shape or an alien shape—can move about in a coordinated manner, maintaining the appearance of being connected.
The question arises as to why the beings are appearing as a ball of light, instead of simply remaining invisible. The production of visible light, if wanted, could be accomplished by the learned-program move statement: for example, by ionizing molecules in the surrounding air, in such a way as to cause the emission of visible light. The reason the beings may want to be lighted when they travel as a ball, could be the same reason that their vehicle is often lighted. In general, when the beings are closely interacting with p-common particles, they themselves, apparently, can see by means of visible light (they would have a learned program for this). Thus, when they move as a ball to and from their ship, being visibly lighted may be done so that their progress can be tracked visually by any of their fellow beings who are currently seeing by means of visible light.
As explained above, the small balls of light are the beings themselves. However, the larger UFOs, from car-size on up, are, apparently, the actual physical vehicles used by these beings to transport various p-common objects—such as p-common computers and recording devices—used by their civilization.
Aeronautical engineer Paul Hill (1909–1990) presents a detailed technical evaluation of UFOs in his book Unconventional Flying Objects. His experience with UFOs included two different sightings that he had. Both sightings were made in Hampton, Virginia. The first sighting was on July 16, 1952:
In the early 1950s, I studied the UFO pattern and noticed their propensity for visiting defense installations, flight over water, evening visits, and return appearances. ... Accordingly, expecting conformance to the pattern, at 5 minutes to 8 P.M., just at twilight, a companion and I arrived at the Hampton Roads waterfront, parked, and started to watch the skies for UFOs. ... They came in side by side at about 500 mph [about 800 kilometers per hour], at what was learned later by triangulation to be 15,000 to 18,000 feet altitude [about 4500 to 5500 meters]. From all angles they looked like amber traffic lights a couple of blocks away, which would make them spheres about 13 to 20 feet [about 4 to 6 meters] in diameter. ... Then, after passing zenith, they made an astounding maneuver. Maintaining their spacing of about 200 feet [about 60 meters], they revolved in a horizontal circle, about a common center, at a rate of at least once per second.
Hill computes the acceleration of the revolving UFOs at about 122 g’s. Hill’s second sighting, made in 1962, was of a single large dirigible-shaped UFO maneuvering over Chesapeake Bay, which he saw while he was riding as a passenger in a car:
... I was surprised to see a fat aluminum- or metallic-colored “fuselage” nearly the size of a small freighter, but shaped more like a dirigible, approaching from the rear. It was at an altitude of about 1000 feet [about 300 meters] .... It was moving slowly, possibly 100 mph [160 kilometers per hour] ... It looked like a big, pointed-nose dirigible, but had not even a tail surface as an appendage. ... Soon ... it began to accelerate very rapidly and at the same time to emit a straw-yellow, or pale flame-colored wake or plume, short at first but growing in length as the speed increased until it was nearly as long as the object. Also, when it started to accelerate it changed from a level path to an upward slanting path, making an angle of about 5 degrees with the horizontal. It passed us going at an astounding speed. It disappeared into the cloud layer ... in what I estimated to be four seconds after the time it began to accelerate. The accelerating distance was measured by the car odometer to be 5 miles [8 kilometers].,,
Hill computes the acceleration of this dirigible-shaped UFO at about 100 g’s. Its velocity, when he last saw it, was about 9,000 mph (about 14,500 kilometers per hour, which is about 4 kilometers per second). Although an acceleration of 100 g’s would kill a man, intelligent-particle beings have no physical body to crush, and would be safe.
Assuming that a UFO is composed of p-common particles, an acceleration of 100 g’s is not necessarily destructive to that UFO’s p-common content. And Hill points out that the US military has self-guiding cannon shells that contain electronics, sensors, and maneuverable flight surfaces. These cannon shells are subjected to more than 7,000 g’s at launch, and are designed to survive 9,000 g’s.
Based on the observation that UFOs tilt to move—which implies a single thrust vector—and based on the various reported effects of UFOs including the bending down and breaking of tree branches when a UFO flies too closely over them, Hill concludes that the UFO moves by means of a directed force field that repels all physical matter, in the same way that gravity attracts all physical matter., This anti-gravity force field is unknown to 20th-century physics.
Although a physical UFO, in theory, could, in effect, be infused with bions, and those bions could use the learned-program move statement to move that UFO about, there are two reasons that work against this explanation:
The move statement moves p-common particles directly. Thus, if a physical UFO were being moved about by the move statement, there would be none of the reported outside reactionary effects, such as the reported downward bending of tree branches under a UFO.
As explained in section 7.6, bions cannot be directly programmed by any civilization. Thus, how would those bions infusing the physical UFO be programmed to move that craft as desired by the craft’s occupants? Alternatively, suggesting that the occupants themselves are moving the physical UFO avoids this second reason, but not the first.
Given the above considerations, it seems most likely that the normal motive force for the physical UFO is the directed force field described by Hill, and not the learned-program move statement. However, although not normally moving the UFO themselves, the intelligent-particle beings in the craft may play an indirect role: For example, assuming they are the Caretakers, then perhaps they use the learned program that they have for materializing p-common objects (section 9.4), to materialize whatever exotic p-common fuel is needed to run whatever engine creates the directed force field.
 Hill, Paul. Unconventional Flying Objects: a scientific analysis. Hampton Roads Publishing, Charlottesville VA, 1995. (Hill’s book, although completed in 1975, was not published until 1995, five years after his death.)
 Ibid., pp. 44–45.
 Ibid., p. 48.
 Ibid., pp. 175–176.
 According to Hill’s analysis (Ibid., pp. 53–82, 179–180), the plume emitted by this dirigible-shaped UFO is the result of the ionization of the air that moves into the wake of the vehicle. This ionization is caused by soft x-rays, presumably emitted as a consequence of the UFO’s propulsion system. The plume—although it looks like a flame—is not a flame: there is no burning, and the plume is not hot. The plume lengthens as the vehicle moves faster thru the air, because there is a relaxation time for the ionization.
According to Hill, this emission of soft x-rays—primarily in the direction of the vehicle’s thrust vector—is a common feature of UFOs, and this accounts for the reported instances of radiation sickness in those persons who get too close to the outside of a UFO for too long. The ionization plume is not normally visible during daylight, but is visible under low-light conditions. For example, a saucer-shaped UFO hovering at night can appear cone-shaped: the cone under the saucer is the ionized air beneath the saucer (Ibid., pp. 144–145). In general, the ionization around a UFO tends to interfere with the ability to clearly see the surface of that UFO.
 According to Hill, he heard no noise from this dirigible-shaped UFO, even though it was moving—when he last saw it—at supersonic speed. According to Hill’s analysis (Ibid., pp. 181–218), as the UFO moves at supersonic speeds thru the atmosphere, both the lack of a sonic boom and the apparent lack of any significant heating of the UFO are due to the same cause: the same type of force field used to move the craft is also used to move the air smoothly around the craft.
 Ibid., pp. 48–49.
 Ibid., p. 49.
 Ibid., pp. 98–118.
 According to Hill’s analysis (Ibid., pp. 219–224), this same type of force field can be directed into the craft, opposite to the thrust vector, so as to more or less cancel the acceleration force on the presumed passenger area of the craft. What this means is that the presumed passenger area and its occupants would be more or less free from experiencing any acceleration, even though the craft may in fact be accelerating at a high rate. This canceling method also works when the craft is decelerating, since presumably the craft is decelerated by simply reversing the thrust vector, in which case the vector of the force field directed into the craft should also be reversed so that it remains opposite to the thrust vector.
According to the UFO literature, UFO occupants come in different humanoid shapes and sizes. Regarding shape, the occupants have more or less the basic humanoid shape: two legs, two arms, a head, and bilateral symmetry. Regarding size, the UFO occupants are typically described as being small, ranging from roughly 1 to 1½ meters in height.
There are reports, both ancient and recent, that UFO occupants abduct people. In premodern times, when UFO occupants wanted to abduct someone, they typically appeared to the abductee as dwarfish people. These occupants would then play a ruse on the abductee. They invited the abductee to come along with them, either to provide help of some kind or to participate in their celebrations. Some such excuse would be made, to help win the abductee’s initial cooperation in his own abduction. The people at the time believed these occupants to be members of an advanced human race that lived on mountains, in caves, or on islands; in places not inhabited by ordinary people. But this deception became obsolete when it became unbelievable in modern times. However, the deception was used in Europe until as late as the 19th century when the practice died out completely. Jacques Vallee, in Dimensions (quoting Walter Evans-Wentz, who wrote a thesis on Celtic traditions in Brittany, and a book in 1909 titled The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries):
The general belief in the interior of Brittany is that the fees once existed, but that they disappeared as their country was changed by modern conditions. In the region of the Mene and of Erce (Ille-et-Vilaine) it is said that for more than a century there have been no fees and on the sea coast where it is firmly believed that the fees used to inhabit certain grottos in the cliffs, the opinion is that they disappeared at the beginning of the last century. The oldest Bretons say that their parents or grandparents often spoke about having seen fees, but very rarely do they say that they themselves have seen fees. M. Paul Sebillot found only two who had. One was an old needlewoman of Saint-Cast, who had such fear of fees that if she was on her way to do some sewing in the country and it was night she always took a long circuitous route to avoid passing near a field known as the Couvent des Fees. The other was Marie Chehu, a woman 88 years old.
Regarding the UFO literature at the end of the 20th century, reports of alien abduction are common, but these reports are mostly based on memories recovered by the use of hypnosis, and for that reason are unreliable. In older literature, there does not seem to be much regarding what happens during an alleged abduction, because “the mind of a person coming out of Fairy-Land is usually blank as to what has been seen and done there.”
Although UFO occupants have apparently been seen collecting rocks, soil, and plants; in recent times almost no one has reported seeing them collecting farm animals. However, the UFO literature includes claims by some researchers that UFO occupants are responsible for so-called cattle mutilations, which are characterized by a recently dead animal that is missing parts of its body, such as “sex organs, tongues, ears, eyes, or anuses”. But the explanation given by others, that the culprits are small animals that preferentially eat the exposed soft parts of recently dead cattle, sounds more convincing.
 Vallee, Jacques. Dimensions. Ballantine Books, New York, 1988. pp. 70–71.
 Psychologist William Cone describes the typical expectation that a subject has regarding hypnosis (Randle, Kevin, Russ Estes, and William Cone. The Abduction Enigma. Forge, New York, 1999):
Most people who undergo hypnotic regression believe that the unconscious has recorded everything and that hypnosis can bring those memories to the surface. This becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. They know they are supposed to remember something, and so they do. [Ibid., p. 334]
But the idea that memory is a complete and accurate recording of events is simply wrong:
Hundreds of studies have shown that this idea is not true. Memory is not recorded but seems, according to the research, to be stored in a highly complex manner consisting of impressions, ideas, and feelings filtered through our own belief system. Each time someone reaches for a memory, it is not “played back” but reconstructed. ... Furthermore, according to research, as time goes by, memories are modified to fit the beliefs of the society and world around us. [Ibid., p. 333]
Another problem with hypnosis is that leading the subject is unavoidable:
The truth is that it is impossible not to lead someone under the influence of hypnosis. A question as innocent as, “What happened next?” presupposes that something else happened, but more important, primes the subject to continue the narrative. [Ibid., p. 337]
Or what about David Jacobs? According to those who have witnessed his sessions, he doesn’t say much as he interrogates the victims of abduction. But for those who have been privileged to hear the tapes of those sessions, it is clear what he is doing. When the abductee strays from what Jacobs believes to be the norm, he makes no audible comment. However, when the subject touches on a point in which he believes, he nods and says, “Uh-huh.” It doesn’t take the abductee long to pick up on the cues and begin to massage the tale for the verbal approval of Jacobs. [Ibid., pp. 347–348]
Because of the various ways, subtle and otherwise, that a subject can be led during hypnosis, Cone draws the very reasonable conclusion that leading the subject causes the similarities between the reported abduction stories: the abduction researchers are, in effect, working from the same script, and they lead the subject to give the expected account. The end result is that the abduction researchers can point, which they do, to these similar accounts, and claim that this similarity is validation that these abduction stories are accounts of real events.
Another consideration regarding abduction accounts is the question of what motivates a person to play the role of an abductee. Cone notes the interesting detail that “gay men and women are overwhelmingly represented in the abduction population” (Ibid., p. 292). Regarding women claiming lost pregnancies—the typical story is that her alien abductors artificially inseminated her, and then removed the resultant fetus sometime later in the next few months:
The psychological literature is full of reports on why women who cannot conceive believe that they have, through some miracle, become pregnant. Such a belief fulfills a real psychological need in these women. [Ibid., p. 326]
 Vallee, Jacques. Passport to Magonia. Henry Regnery Company, Chicago, 1969. p. 87. (Jacques Vallee is quoting Walter Evans-Wentz.)
 Thompson, op. cit., p. 129.
According to the UFO literature, the UFO occupants communicate with people telepathically. For telepathic communication to work, the learned programs involved in the communication are either the same or very similar in both parties. For example, the learned programs of both parties must agree as to the low-level protocols used in establishing and maintaining the communication channel, over which the raw data is sent and received. Also, the learned programs of both parties must agree, at least in large part, as to the format and meaning of the raw data that is sent and received. This commonality of learned programs is consistent with the UFO occupants being the Caretakers. Presumably, these learned programs were copied at some time in the remote past, from Caretakers to humans, during humanity’s early development.
In contrast to man, the UFO occupants—like the Caretakers—are, it seems, composed solely of intelligent particles. Thus, without the burden of common particles, the UFO occupants are free to pass thru walls and to shape-shift and assume any of the many different appearances reported in the UFO literature. This shape-shifting ability includes the ability to form the appearance of clothing, although on certain occasions actual p-common clothing may be worn.
The ability of a UFO occupant to become solid to p-common particles, such as when collecting rocks and soil, is a consequence of the intelligent particles composing that occupant deciding that they will interact with p-common particles. Specifically, the learned-program move statement can be applied to p-common particles. For example, if a learned program only applies the move statement to move p-common particles that are next to the outermost intelligent particles of the occupant, then the direct contact that man experiences with his own p-common body can be closely simulated. Even Newton’s law—for every action there is an opposite and equal reaction—can be simulated, allowing an occupant to use the resulting feedback to moderate the force that the move statement applies against p-common objects. Thus, not surprisingly, there are many reports of UFO occupants being knocked over by various p-common impacts—such as by a person falling on them, or by bullets hitting them—after which they get up unharmed and continue whatever they were doing.
That UFOs are described in old historical records is consistent with the UFO occupants being the Caretakers, because the Caretaker civilization is assumed to be very ancient, and is probably more ancient than the beginning of organic life more than 3½ billion years ago. The collecting of rocks and soil by UFO occupants, although not necessarily a Caretaker function, can be a Caretaker function, because various biosphere-related chemicals, bacteria, and other organisms are typically found on rocks and in soil.
In conclusion, the UFO occupants are the Caretakers.
Regarding physical UFOs, it may seem contradictory that non-physical beings have physical flying machines. But these physical flying machines are used to hold and transport p-common objects that these non-physical beings use, such as p-common computers, sensors, instruments, and recording devices. These physical flying machines are not needed to hold and transport the non-physical beings themselves, because in general non-physical beings can fly at a much greater speed than these physical flying machines (compare the top speed of 4 kilometers per second estimated by Paul Hill in section 8.2 for a physical flying machine in the atmosphere at sea-level, with the estimated top speed of several hundred kilometers per second for lucid-dream travel in section 5.2). In addition, their physical flying machines can also be used to hold and/or transport creatures that have p-common bodies, including humans. And another possible use for their physical flying machines is for transporting such things as water for ongoing terraforming projects (see section 7.6).
Presumably, the Caretakers can and do travel within the solar system. However, travel to other stars is another matter. Even if they can do it, it would be a time-consuming trip at sublight speed., And in another star system, the learned programs of whatever intelligent-particle beings are there, may be different enough from those of the Caretakers to make personal interaction with them difficult. Thus, star systems are probably fairly isolated from each other, even for the Caretakers. However, although personal travel between different star systems may be rare for the Caretakers, it is possible that the Caretakers and other comparable intelligent-particle-being civilizations in our galaxy have an established p-common communication network that they use to transmit data between themselves using some part of the electromagnetic spectrum.
 Does the computing-element program allow the Caretakers to instantaneously jump to other star systems? Specifically, does the computing-element program have learned-program statements that allow a group of intelligent particles to instantaneously move itself to arbitrarily different spatial coordinates?
First, although the accessible information environment of a bion is a very large sphere centered on that particle, there is no reason to believe that this sphere’s radius is on the order of interstellar distances, because of the computational burden involved. The computational burden of examining an accessible information environment is proportional to the sphere’s volume. Thus, for example, compared to the computational burden of examining the information environment of a sphere with a radius of 100,000 kilometers, the computational burden for a sphere with a radius of four light years—which is the distance to the nearest star—is about 1025 times greater.
Without strong evidence—and there is none—one should not assume that intelligent particles can directly perceive objects across interstellar distances. And without direct perception, an intelligent particle cannot provide a meaningful destination coordinate, or address, that a move statement, or a send or receive statement for communication purposes, requires. Of course, this does not rule out a series of short jumps made within the limits of direct perception. However, there are other difficulties. Specifically, the existence of a move statement for arbitrary spatial translation within the accessible information environment, would be inherently dangerous to the stability of any population of cooperating intelligent particles. Each intelligent particle is autonomous, running its own learned programs, so there is no guarantee that a cooperating population of intelligent particles would always use such a move statement in perfect synchrony. Thus, intelligent particles could easily separate from each other, beyond the limits of their direct perception, quickly becoming lost to each other. Given these considerations, it seems likely that the only move statement provided by the computing-element program is a safe move statement, whose range is much shorter than the range of the send and receive statements.
 Because the Caretakers cannot directly perceive across interstellar distances, this means that if they want to travel to a different star system, they probably use a p-common ship whose p-common sensors and computers are constructed and programmed to reliably track the destination star-system and navigate to it.
As the saying goes: When in Rome, do as the Romans do. So, to reliably navigate to a remote p-common object (in this case a star system), use other p-common objects that respond to that destination p-common object. In other words, use a p-common ship that has p-common sensors that detect the electromagnetic emissions from that star system.
This reason to use a p-common ship to navigate to a distant p-common object also applies to the use of physical flying machines by the Caretakers within our own solar system. For example, if the Caretakers want to go to some exact geographical spot on the Earth for whatever reason, a p-common ship guided by a p-common computer that is processing data from p-common sensors (such as accelerometers) can direct and/or take both that ship and those Caretakers to that exact geographical spot regardless of whether or not any of the Caretakers on that ship can directly perceive and fly to that exact spot by themselves.
Regarding UFOs and religion, many UFO researchers have suggested that UFOs and their occupants have had an influence on at least some of the historical religions. At the very least, UFOs and their occupants, when seen, have often been interpreted within a religious framework. For example, consider the widely cited miracle at Fatima, Portugal, which occurred on October 13, 1917, and was witnessed by roughly 70,000 people. This large number of witnesses was the direct result of a methodical sequence of ever greater miracles occurring at the same location, which was a pasture named Cova da Iria, 2½ kilometers from the village of Fatima. The sequence of events had the following dates and approximate attendance: May 13 attended by 3; June 13 attended by 50; July 13 attended by 4,500; August 13 attended by 18,000; September 13 attended by 30,000; October 13 attended by 70,000.
On May 13, 1917, three children who worked as shepherds apparently met and conversed with a Caretaker, who appeared as a woman floating on top of a tree. The woman wore radiant, beautiful clothing. The children, being Catholic, believed that she was the Virgin Mary. Among other things, this Caretaker told them to return to the same spot each month, on the 13th day. On October 13, 1917, at the Cova da Iria site, at the appointed time of noon, there appeared a giant, radiant UFO, which had a flat, disc shape. This UFO maneuvered about for roughly ten minutes, changing colors, spinning, and sometimes dropping closer to the ground, which frightened the audience greatly.
 Vallee, Dimensions, p. 177.
The Caretakers lack organic bodies, and their learned programs evolved without concern for organic frailty. As a result, the Caretakers have subject to their conscious control learned programs that make them look like gods with marvelous psychic powers.
It seems that occasionally the Caretakers transfer some of their psychic powers—presumably by a copying of the relevant learned programs—to a person for whom they intend a role as a miracle worker. A possible contemporary example is Sai Baba (section 9.4).
This chapter considers humanity as a whole. The chapter sections are:
Michael Cremo and Richard Thompson are the authors of The Hidden History of the Human Race. The basic case made by Cremo and Thompson is that since the Darwinian theory of man’s evolution became the dominant theory in the 19th century, the validity of archeological finds—including issues of dating—are judged based on their fit into the Darwinian theory. For example:
This pattern of data suppression has been going on for a long time. In 1880, J. D. Whitney, the state geologist of California, published a lengthy review of advanced stone tools found in California gold mines. The implements, including spear points and stone mortars and pestles, were found deep in mine shafts, underneath thick, undisturbed layers of lava, in formations ranging from 9 million to over 55 million years old. W. H. Holmes of the Smithsonian Institution, one of the most vocal critics of the California finds, wrote: “Perhaps if professor Whitney had fully appreciated the story of human evolution as it is understood today, he would have hesitated to announce the conclusions formulated [that humans existed in very ancient times in North America], notwithstanding the imposing array of testimony with which he was confronted.” In other words, if the facts do not agree with the favored theory, then such facts, even an imposing array of them, must be discarded.
This supports the primary point we are trying to make in The Hidden History of the Human Race, namely, that there exists in the scientific community a knowledge filter that screens out unwelcome evidence. This process of knowledge filtration has been going on for well over a century and continues to the present day.
Drawing largely from papers published in the scientific literature, Cremo and Thompson present a wide variety of evidence—including stone tools and complete skeletons—for the existence of modern man in remote times. According to Cremo and Thompson, the physical evidence shows that modern man has been on Earth for many millions of years.
In a follow-up book, Forbidden Archeology’s Impact, Michael Cremo comments on why the “knowledge filter” has been so pervasive, concealing the great antiquity of the human race:
The current theory of evolution takes its place within a worldview that was built up in Europe, principally, over the past three or four centuries. We might call it a mechanistic, materialistic worldview. ... Historically, I would say that the Judeo-Christian tradition helped prepare the way for the mechanistic worldview by depopulating the universe of its demigods and spirits and discrediting most paranormal occurrences, with the exception of a few miracles mentioned in the Bible. Science took the further step of discrediting the few remaining kinds of acceptable miracles, especially after David Hume’s attack upon them. Essentially, Hume said if it comes down to a choice between believing reports of paranormal occurrences, even by reputable witnesses, or rejecting the laws of physics, it is more reasonable to reject the testimony of the witnesses to paranormal occurrences, no matter how voluminous and well attested. Better to believe the witnesses were mistaken or lying. ... the presentation of an alternative to Darwinian evolution depends upon altering the whole view of reality underlying it. If one accepts that reality means only atoms and the void, Darwinian evolution makes perfect sense as the only explanation worth pursuing.
 Cremo, Michael, and Richard Thompson. The Hidden History of the Human Race. Govardhan Hill Publishing, Badger CA, 1994. (The Hidden History of the Human Race is the abridged version of Forbidden Archeology: The Hidden History of the Human Race published in 1993.)
 The basics of Darwin’s theory of evolution (section 7.3) do not require that the appearance of modern man be recent. However, because the fossil record shows different ape-like creatures alive during the last few million years, and because modern man is assumed by the theory to be an evolution from ape-like predecessors, the assumption is made that modern man appeared only recently, so as to allow as much time as possible for the randomness of Darwinism to make changes in the ape-like predecessors. Thus, the first appearance of modern man is typically dated within the last 100,000 years (first-appearance dates of 30,000 years ago in Europe, and 12,000 years ago in North America, are common).
Assigning a recent date for the appearance of modern man, besides conforming to Darwinian thought, also has the advantage of avoiding an unpleasant question: If modern man has been on Earth for millions of years, what has happened to all the previous human civilizations that one might expect have existed during the course of those millions of years?
Unfortunately, it turns out that there is a very good answer to this question: civilization-destroying comets and asteroids hit the Earth on a more or less regular basis. For example, astronomer Duncan Steel roughly estimates a civilization-destroyer—an impactor that would, in effect, blast mankind back into the stone-age—as a comet or asteroid 1 to 2 kilometers in diameter. The impact energy of a 1-kilometer-wide comet or asteroid is roughly equivalent to the explosive force of 100,000 megatons of TNT. These civilization-destroyer impacts happen roughly once every 100,000 years (Steel, Duncan. Rouge Asteroids and Doomsday Comets. Wiley, New York, 1995. pp. 29–31).
Also, over the last 20,000 years, there has been an ongoing breakup in the inner solar system of a giant comet—the fragments of this breakup constitute the Taurid meteor stream (Ibid., pp. 132–136). The presence of this Taurid stream has increased the likelihood of a civilization-destroying impact. And, apparently, from this stream, a civilization-destroyer impacted in the ocean roughly 11,000 years ago. Among other things, this impact explains the Atlantis myth, the many flood myths, and why mankind was recently in a stone-age (Hancock, Graham. The Mars Mystery. Crown, New York, 1998. pp. 250–258).
Also relevant to this discussion are two of my essays: Debunking the Ice Age (at http://www.johmann.net/essays/ice-age.html) and Big-Bang Bunk (at http://www.johmann.net/essays/big-bang-bunk.html). The first essay deals specifically with the civilization-destroying impact of roughly 11,000 years ago, and both essays deal with the political reasons for the erasure of mankind’s early history.
 Cremo and Thompson, op. cit., pp. xvii–xviii. (The bracketed note is in the original.)
 If man has been on Earth for many millions of years, then a question arises regarding technology: Have any previous human civilizations attained at least the same level of technology as that attained by man at the end of the 20th century? Using the standard belief at the end of the 20th century that oil, natural gas, and black coal are non-renewable resources (supposedly because these resources derive from organic debris buried roughly 200 million years ago), then the likely answer is no, because if alternatively the answer is yes, then these resources would have already been depleted by those previous civilizations. However, professor Thomas Gold has debunked this belief that oil, natural gas, and black coal derive from buried organic debris (Gold, Thomas. The Deep Hot Biosphere. Copernicus, New York, 1999):
Nobody has yet synthesized crude oil or coal in the lab from a beaker of algae or ferns. A simple heuristic will show why such synthesis would be extremely unlikely. To begin with, remember that carbohydrates, proteins, and other biomolecules are hydrated carbon chains. These biomolecules are fundamentally hydrocarbons in which oxygen atoms (and sometimes other elements, such as nitrogen) have been substituted for one or two atoms of hydrogen. Biological molecules are therefore not saturated with hydrogen. Biological debris buried in the earth would be quite unlikely to lose oxygen atoms and to acquire hydrogen atoms in their stead. If anything, slow chemical processing in geological settings should lead to further oxygen gain and thus further hydrogen loss. And yet a hydrogen “gain” is precisely what we see in crude oils and their hydrocarbon volatiles. The hydrogen-to-carbon ratio is vastly higher in these materials than it is in undegraded biological molecules. How, then, could biological molecules somehow acquire hydrogen atoms while, presumably, degrading into petroleum?[Ibid., p. 85]
Instead of deriving from buried organic debris, the underground deposits of oil, natural gas, and black coal derive from a continuously upwelling flow of hydrocarbons—primarily in the form of methane—from much greater depths within the Earth:
At high pressures, hydrocarbons represent the stable configuration of hydrogen and carbon. Hydrocarbons should therefore form spontaneously in the upper mantle and deep crust. But at low pressures at or near the earth’s surface, liquid hydrocarbons are supercooled, unstable fluids. As they upwell into lower-pressure regimes, they begin to dissociate, and this means they begin to shed hydrogen. This is exactly what we see in the vertically stacked patterns of a hydrocarbon region that go from methane at the deepest levels to oils and eventually to black coals at the shallowest levels. Each step in that stack is one of further hydrogen loss. [Ibid., p. 130]
This idea that buried organic debris is not the source of oil, natural gas, and black coal, did not begin with Thomas Gold, since in large part he is only echoing what was already the consensus opinion in Russia since the 1960s, which has guided for decades their successful oil-exploration efforts in rock strata that the organic-debris theory claims should have no oil.
 Cremo, Michael. Forbidden Archeology’s Impact. Bhaktivedanta Book Publishing, Los Angeles, 1998. pp. 337–338. (Michael Cremo is quoting himself, from a letter he wrote in 1993.)
There are three commonly recognized races: african, caucasian, and oriental. And there appears to be a strong correlation between the comparative traits of these three races, and the comparative traits of the two human genders: men and women. Briefly, the correlation is that on a scale from masculine to feminine, the three races are ordered: african, caucasian, and oriental. Consideration for specific traits follow—and when speaking of specific traits as they appear in each gender and race, the average case is assumed.
Regarding physical size and strength, obviously men are larger and stronger than women. For the three races, obviously the oriental race is the smallest and weakest. Less obvious, but still quite apparent, the african race has the largest—not counting fat as contributing to size—and strongest bodies.
Regarding life expectancy, women have a longer life expectancy than men. For the three races, when nutritional and sanitary conditions are the same, the african race has the shortest life expectancy, the oriental race has the longest life expectancy (for example, at the end of the 20th century, the Japanese have the longest life expectancy in the world), and the caucasian race is inbetween.
Regarding coloring, men tend to be darker than women. For the three races, obviously the african race is the darkest (a fraction of this race is completely black, which is not seen in the other two races). Note that the gender bias for coloring is dominated by organic needs, and a resulting geographic bias: living in sunny lands tends to darken the skin, and vice versa. Thus, for example, the caucasian Finns, who live further north than most people, are very light-colored (very pale); whereas the caucasians of the Indian subcontinent, are dark (much darker than the oriental Vietnamese, who live at the same latitudes; but not as dark and black as the africans at those latitudes). Once the geographic bias of coloring is discounted—by comparing races at the same latitudes—it becomes apparent that the caucasian race is darker than the oriental race.
Regarding a tendency for violence, obviously men are more violent than women. For the three races, an examination of worldwide crime statistics shows the african race as the most violent, the oriental race as the least violent, and the caucasian race is inbetween.
Regarding general intelligence, women are obviously more verbal than men (verbal ability is a major component of general intelligence); and as mentioned in section 3.6, general intelligence seems to be inherited thru the mother. For the three races, the african race scores lowest on IQ tests, the oriental race scores highest (for example, the Japanese score highest in the world on standard IQ tests), and the caucasian race is inbetween.
Although much more could be said to make the case that there is a gender basis for the three races, the above is sufficient. And given this gender basis, it seems likely that the three races are, more or less, a constant and permanent feature of humanity—instead of being some ordinary development of Lamarckian evolution that could disappear as a result of environmental change, natural disaster, or warfare. In effect, the three races represent the large-scale range of gender-difference that the total population of intelligent-particle beings who are human want to express.
Given the discussion of the Caretakers in the previous chapters, it is reasonable to assume that the Caretakers are more intelligent than the most intelligent human nation (i.e., more intelligent than the Japanese). And note that many of the gender differences in humans—such as the degree of talkativeness, and the desire to socialize—are mental differences that do not require for their realization a physical body. And note that the Caretakers apparently have the same two genders as mankind. The reason why both Caretakers and humans have two genders is explained in a footnote in section 9.6.
 When nutritional conditions are the same for both races, as found in 20th century America, the size and strength advantage is clear. For example, in American sports, at the end of the 20th century, africans dominate overwhelmingly in basketball, football, and boxing—three sports that reward size and strength—despite being outnumbered in America by caucasians roughly six to one.
 Regarding the two colors, black and white, the implication as to their psychological meaning is clear: black represents masculine qualities, and white represents feminine qualities. Thus, for example, a man dressed in black, dancing with a woman dressed in white, works (witness the many movies that use this dress scheme); whereas the opposite dress scheme, being a man dressed in white, dancing with a woman dressed in black, does not work, and is rarely seen.
 The implication is clear: on the gender scale, the Caretaker civilization is more feminine than the oriental race. And besides the assumed correlation of intelligence, there is also an apparent correlation regarding violence, because the Caretakers appear to be very nonviolent. And even though the Caretakers have no organic body, and no fixed body of any form, note the apparent correlation regarding size, as the Caretakers typically adopt a comparatively small size when they assume a form for interacting with people.
Sleep—in the sense of an organism becoming periodically inactive—is widespread thruout nature, and is not limited to the higher animals. For example: “many insects do rest during the day or night. These rests are called quiescent periods.”, And: “The authors of the book The Invertebrates: A New Synthesis write: After activity there is need for rest, even for ‘busy bees’. Honey bees enter a state of profound rest at night, with remarkable similarities to the phenomenon of sleep.” And: “Fish do have a quiescent period which can be called ‘sleep’. Tropical freshwater fish in home aquaria can be observed resting immediately after turning the lights on in a room which has been darkened for several hours.” And: “Yes, frogs and toads sleep with their eyes closed. ... Snakes, like all reptiles, do sleep. They are capable of doing this quite soundly despite the fact that they have no moveable eyelids. Moving your hand in front of the face of a sleeping snake will often not cause it to wake up for several seconds.” And: “Sharks don’t sleep as we know it, but they do rest. Often they will come to a quiet bottom area and stay there motionless.”
As to why sleep happens, the mathematics-only reality model has no explanation, because there is nothing about physical particles that implies the need for periodic shutdowns. However, unlike the mathematics-only reality model, the computing-element reality model does have an explanation for sleep, in terms of the nature of intelligent particles: For an intelligent particle, its sleep period is the time during which its learned programs have stopped running (they have, in effect, been shut down), and instead the learning algorithms of the computing-element program (section 3.6) are running against those learned programs. Thus, in effect, all changes to an intelligent particle’s learned programs (including any additions or deletions of learned programs) are made when that intelligent particle is asleep.
Given that sleep is a part of each intelligent particle—irrespective of the presence or absence of a common-particle body—it follows that all intelligent-particle beings sleep. Thus, for example, the Caretakers sleep. And, for example, people in the afterlife sleep. And each organic life form—assuming it has at least one bion—sleeps. Thus, for example, bacteria sleep.
For a complex organism with many bions, the periods of sleep for those bions can be synchronized and/or unsynchronized as needed, in accordance with the needs of that organism. For example, each bion in a plant—which lacks a nervous system and associated mind—can probably sleep according to its own arbitrary schedule, without causing harm to the plant as a whole (at any one time, roughly the same percentage and distribution of the plant’s bions would be asleep—although for plants that rely on photosynthesis, probably a higher percentage of the bions are awake during daylight). But for those organisms that have a nervous system and associated mind, which controls the organism’s movements in its environment, a more or less synchronous sleeping of those bions would be the case, during which time the organism is perceived to be asleep, resting, quiescent.
For any bion, a longer sleep period means more time for the computing-element program to apply its learning algorithms to that bion’s learned programs. By the time a child is born, that child has many learned programs that collectively form its mind, and, in effect, these learned programs need to be integrated with each other and the soliton, given both the allocation plan for that child (section 9.6) and the child’s new and continuously growing body. It seems likely that the need for modifications (such as minor adjustments) to a child’s learned programs would be greatest at its earliest age, and then decline with age. And this appears to be the case: “It is well established that infants and children need much more sleep than adults. For example, infants need about 16 hours of sleep, toddlers about 12, and school age children about 10. ... during puberty our need for sleep actually increases again and is similar to that of toddlers.”
 The web citations in this section are all from a website called The MAD Scientist Network, provided by the Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis USA. The purpose of this website is to provide a forum where people can ask questions to be answered by scientists. The quoted selections—three of these quotes are slightly edited for improved readability (specifically, three commas and a missing to were added)—are from answers to questions asked by other persons (none of the questions were asked by me).
 From the post RE: insects, made by Kurt Pickett (Grad Student Entomology, Ohio State University).
 From the post RE: ants and sleep, made by Keith McGuinness (Faculty Biology).
Also regarding sleeping insects, the fruit fly (Drosophila) sleeps (Fly naps inspire dreams of sleep genetics. Science News, volume 157, number 8 (February 19, 2000): p. 117):
The researchers videotaped flies during rest periods to document the insects’ behavior. During the night, the flies crawled off to resting places and settled into what the researchers define as a sleep pose, slumped “face down,” Hendricks [the lead researcher] says. For about 7 hours every night, the flies stayed still except for a few small twitches of the legs and proboscis. As the evening progressed, it took louder and louder taps on the cages to rouse the insects.
In some sessions, the scientists kept the flies from their rest by tapping whenever the insects stayed still for more than a minute. The rest-deprived animals compensated by sleeping more over the next few days, as sleep-deprived people do.
 From the post RE: Do fish sleep?, made by Bruce Woodin (Staff Biology. Woods Hole).
 From the post RE: Do snakes eat their own eggs?, made by Kevin Ostanek (Undergraduate, Lake Erie College).
 From the post RE: Sharks, made by Roger Raimist (Prof. Biological Sciences).
 Having a clear separation between when the learned programs are running and when they are being processed for possible modification (by what are, in effect, a separate group of programs, the learning algorithms), simplifies the overall complexity of the computing-element program, because synchronization and load-balancing issues between the two program groups are minimized. Also, by not running the learning algorithms when the learned programs are running, this means that during the time when the learned programs are running they get a larger share of the underlying computing-element’s processing time and can consequently, in effect, do more during that time.
Alternatively, if there is no clear separation between when learned programs are run and when they are modified, then one faces the difficult problem of modifying a program while that program is still running: given an arbitrary learned program, and an arbitrary set of changes to be made to that learned program, how does one modify that learned program without corrupting what will be the output from that learned program when that learned program finishes its current processing?
 From the post RE: You are right, children are much more active in their sleep, made by Salvatore Cullari (Professor and Chair, Lebanon Valley College).
Psychologist Erlendur Haraldsson (a professor at the University of Iceland) has written about the Indian guru Sathya Sai Baba (born November 23, 1926) in his book Modern Miracles., Haraldsson’s personal experience with Sai Baba included witnessing several materializations, which is the type of miracle for which Sai Baba is most famous. Haraldsson’s first interview with Sai Baba was in 1973:
We told him we were researchers of psychic phenomena and had heard many accounts of miracles occurring in his presence. As we were talking, he again made with his right hand the typical small, circular movements that last for two or three seconds, and lo!—there was a large, shiny golden ring in his palm. He put it on Dr. Osis’ ring finger and said it was for him. It fitted. ... [Haraldsson then argues with Sai Baba in a futile attempt to get Sai Baba to agree to controlled experiments, and in this argument Sai Baba uses an apparent Indian colloquialism: double rudraksha (referring to a rare malformation of the seed of a rudraksha plant). Haraldsson then becomes insistent as to what exactly is meant by double rudraksha, having been dissatisfied with Sai Baba’s initial explanatory attempts.] ... Sai Baba closed his fist and waved his hand for a second or two. As he opened it, he turned to me and said: ‘This is it’. In his palm was an acorn-like object about three centimeters at its widest point, brownish, and with a fine texture like an apricot stone. ... It had the particular freshness and cleanness that I later observed to be characteristic of the objects he produces. ... [After Haraldsson and Dr. Osis handle the object, Sai Baba takes it back for a moment, saying that he wants to give Haraldsson a present.] ... He enclosed the rudraksha in both his hands, blew on it, and opened his hands towards me. In his palm we saw a beautiful piece. The double rudraksha was now covered, on the top and on the bottom, by two tiny, oval-shaped, golden shields ....
The potential explanation that Sai Baba is just a magician using sleight-of-hand to fool people, is dealt with at length by Haraldsson in his book, and the interested reader who doubts the validity of Sai Baba’s materialization ability is referred there.
As stated earlier (section 8.7) the Caretakers have subject to their conscious control learned programs that make them look like gods with marvelous psychic powers. Sai Baba’s materialization ability is probably due to the relevant learned programs having been copied from the mind of a Caretaker into the mind of Sai Baba.,
The Hindus—at least some of them—call men like Sai Baba, god-men. This is a good term, in the sense that such god-men, who are a great rarity, have at least a few of the powers attributed to the gods (the Caretakers). One reason for the rarity of these god-men, is probably that so few men can, in effect, be trusted with telekinetic, materialization, or dematerialization powers, because of the potential of such powers to harm and kill others, given the fragility of the human body. Each genuine god-man is more than a man, but less than a single Caretaker.,
One problem with being a god-man, is that the Caretakers apparently do not enlighten the god-man as to exactly who and what they are; nor do they teach the god-man about their civilization and science. Thus, the god-man is ignorant and has no real understanding as to why he can do what he can do. For example, as Haraldsson says about his attempt during his first interview to get Sai Baba to explain how he could do such materializations: “It was dawning on us that the discourse of Sai Baba was in the realm of religion, not empirical science. Our sympathetic swami was not a man of science.” To explain his abilities to himself, Sai Baba, who by all accounts is an intelligent man, has drawn from the Hindu religion into which he was born.
Although because of ignorance many Sai Baba devotees exaggerate his place in the scheme of things, Sai Baba himself is at least sometimes guilty of doing this. For example, Haraldsson quotes the experience of M. Krishna, who was close to Sai Baba during the mid 1950s (in this example, Sai Baba, roughly thirty years old at the time, wrongly imagines that he is competent to perform a minor surgical operation):
Once I had myself tonsillitis and a very sore throat. Then swami said he would operate upon my tonsils. ... He waved his hand, and a knife came seemingly out of nowhere. ... [Sai Baba then “operates,” causing some bleeding. That evening, after the operation, Krishna went to a friend who was a doctor, and Krishna told the doctor that Sai Baba had operated and removed his tonsils. Krishna then says what that doctor’s response was:] ... He remarked something like this: ‘What do you say? You are a fool and he is a liar.’ [Krishna still had his tonsils, and they were removed in a hospital a few years later.],
 Haraldsson, Erlendur. Modern Miracles: An Investigative Report on Psychic Phenomena Associated with Sathya Sai Baba. Hastings House, Mamaroneck NY, 1997.
 Besides Haraldsson’s book, there is a large literature on Sai Baba, much of it in English.
 Ibid., pp. 25–27.
 Citing the Sathya Sai Baba biography written by Kasturi, Haraldsson gives the following sequence of events for Sai Baba: On March 8, 1940, at about 7 at night, at age 13, Sathya “gave a shriek and leaped up grasping his right toe as if he had been bitten! Although no scorpion or snake was discovered, he fell as though unconscious and became stiff.” (Ibid., p. 56; Haraldsson is quoting Kasturi). Sathya remained unconscious for the night, and began behaving strangely thereafter (his parents took him to a doctor, who declared the boy to be suffering from “fits” and “hysteria”). On May 20, about ten weeks after the beginning event of March 8, Sathya called his family together, and materialized candy and flowers for them, and then materialized more candy and flowers, and rice, for the neighbors who came. Sathya’s sister, Venkamma, told Haraldsson that the family had not seen any miracles from Sathya before that time. Besides doing the materializations that day, Sathya also declared that he was the reincarnation of Sai Baba of Shirdi, a famous Indian guru who had died in 1918 (Ibid., pp. 56–57).
It seems likely that the assumed copying of learned programs from a Caretaker to Sathya, took place on March 8: The resulting unconsciousness, followed by the “fits” and “hysteria” that lasted for roughly ten weeks, were all part of the process of integrating those learned programs into the mind of Sathya. After the ten weeks, the integration was sufficiently complete, enabling Sathya to exercise conscious control over his new materialization ability and give his first public demonstration.
Since his first pronouncement, Sathya Sai Baba has consistently maintained that he is the reincarnation of Sai Baba of Shirdi. And this past-life identity is reasonable, because the Caretakers are not going to give their learned programs for materialization and dematerialization (Sathya Sai Baba can also dematerialize small objects) to just anyone—instead, it seems that the recipient must be someone who will display the given abilities openly, and with minimal abuse of these abilities. Thus, it appears that with his previous life as Sai Baba of Shirdi, the Caretakers judged Sathya as someone who they could trust to use these abilities as they wanted them used.
Regarding possible abuse, note that besides simply materializing gold or money to directly enrich oneself, there is also the possibility of harming others. By materializing or dematerializing p-common particles in the amount that Sathya Sai Baba can do, and doing so in someone else’s body, that person can be killed or disabled in a moment. To date, there seems to be no evidence that Sathya Sai Baba has used his given abilities to directly enrich himself or harm anyone. Thus, it seems that the Caretakers chose wisely when they chose Sathya.
 Sai Baba’s materialization ability is limited to physical objects: there are no reports of Sai Baba having materialized a living plant or animal. And this inability is to be expected, because the underlying learned-program statements for materialization and dematerialization apply only to common particles.
That the computing-element program does not include learned-program statements for either materializing or dematerializing intelligent particles, is reasonable, because intelligent particles differ from one another based on their learned programs and associated data. Thus, for example, if a new intelligent particle were created, what would be its state information (learned programs, etc.), if not simply empty?
Given the potential complexity of intelligent particles, and given the degree to which they can differ from each other, any learned-program statements for either materializing or dematerializing intelligent particles would be unsafe. Thus, one can assume that such statements are not available in the computing-element program—and this assumption is consistent with the evidence.
Regarding Sai Baba’s materialization ability, his materialization ability is limited to small physical objects, and repetitions of small physical patterns. For example, Sai Baba has never materialized a car, nor a car engine, nor a car engine’s carburetor. To materialize with sufficient accuracy such a comparatively large and complex object, the relevant learned programs would have to have as their input data a similarly large and complex model of that object, presumably derived from a scan of the p-common particles composing an instance of that object (the scan would use the learned-program perceive statement). In general, the larger and more complex the model, the more memory needed to store that model. To minimize memory requirements for storing a model, one can assume that redundancy in the model is greatly reduced by compression algorithms.
Within the group of intelligent particles that is hosting the relevant learned programs for materialization, the available memory for storing model data is probably the limiting factor on the size of the objects that can be materialized. In other words, what probably limits the learned programs from materializing larger objects is insufficient memory to store the data that models those objects. Note that the data-storage requirement per object will be roughly proportional to the volume of that object, assuming roughly the same amount of modeled structural variation per unit volume.
The jewelry items that Sai Baba typically materializes are only a few cubic centimeters in volume. But the volume of a car is on the order of a million cubic centimeters. Thus, the memory needed to store the model of a single car is roughly the amount of memory needed to store the models of about a hundred-thousand completely different small objects, of the size that Sai Baba typically materializes (the number of object models that Sai Baba has in memory at any one time, from which he can base a materialization, is probably at least in the hundreds, if not thousands). Although a scan-store-copy algorithm is presumably at the core of the relevant learned programs, these learned programs are more sophisticated than being a mere copy machine, because, for example, Sai Baba can size rings to fit, and he can also include his likeness on materialized objects.
Besides materializing small objects, Sai Baba can continuously materialize repetitions from a single, small, physical pattern. For example, the vibhuti (ash from burned cow dung) that pours from Sai Baba’s hands, is his most common repetitious materialization. And the various foods that Sai Baba materializes are at least sometimes repetitious materializations. For example, Haraldsson recounts a number of cases in which Sai Baba materialized large quantities of food into various containers, from which many people were then served. For example, Haraldsson quotes Krishna Kumar as saying that he saw Sai Baba fill a number of food containers, one at a time, filling each container with food in a matter of seconds (Ibid., p. 118; Krishna Kumar says that he actually saw the food rising up in the containers, thereby filling them, which is consistent with repetitious materialization). From such accounts as these, it seems that Sai Baba was able to do repetitious materializations at a rate of no more than a few kilograms of p-common particles per second.
It is perhaps interesting to note that there are European legends of peasants having grain stores filled by fairies, so that, for example, the peasants can survive the winter. Given that the fairies of legend are the Caretakers, and given that Sai Baba has their learned programs for materialization, and given that Sai Baba was able to repetitiously materialize enough food to feed many people, these legends may well be based on actual happenings.
 Ibid., p. 211.
 Being a genuine god-man is not without its risks. In 1993, Sathya Sai Baba survived an apparent assassination attempt that left two of his personal attendants dead (four knife-armed men had killed the two attendants in an effort to gain access to the room in which Sai Baba slept; these apparent assassins were then killed by police who were called to the scene).
 For those familiar with the Christian religion and its New Testament which describes materializations and other miracles performed by Jesus, it would seem that Jesus was a god-man. However, many scholars have argued that Jesus is not a historical person. For example, Lars Adelskogh gives a good summary of this position:
Jesus Christ is the central figure of the Western civilisation, just as Muhammad is the central figure of the Arab civilisation, and Confucius, of the Chinese civilisation. These are trite observations. However, whereas we are quite positive that Muhammad and Confucius were historical figures, we are not in a position to say with certainty that Jesus Christ, as portrayed in the Gospels, ever existed.
Indeed, quite a number of scholars have come to the conclusion that Jesus is a mythical figure, no more real in any historical sense than Hercules or Dionysus, Sherlock Holmes or Donald Duck. … This revisionist school of Jesus research, if I may so call it, takes its stand on three basic facts:
The complete absence of historical evidence for Jesus outside the New Testament. Contemporary authors, who ought to have heard and then written about him, if he was such a remarkable figure as the Gospels intimate, are silent.
The complete, or almost complete, lack of originality of the teachings of Jesus as given in the Gospels. Essentially everything taught is found in the Old Testament, contemporary rabbinic literature, or so-called paganism, Hellenistic wisdom literature, pagan cults, etc.
The many features that Jesus of the Gospels shares with several so-called pagan saviour gods, or godlike men, such as Asclepius, Hercules, Dionysus, Mithras, Krishna, and, of course, Gautama the Buddha.
[Referring to item 3:] These common features, or similarities, embrace so many essential aspects of the Jesus figure, his birth, his life, his actions, and his death, and often do so in such a striking manner, that you easily get the impression that Jesus of the Gospels, the new saviour god, is little more than a rehash of the older pagan saviour gods. [An address by Lars Adelskogh at the International Seminar “The Sanskrit and Buddhist Sources of the New Testament”, Klavreström, Sweden, September 11, 2003. At: http://www.jesusisbuddha.com/larsa.html]
Christian Lindtner, a Danish professor whose specialty is Buddhist studies, shows that much of the New Testament (its original written language is Greek) plagiarizes specific Buddhist texts that were written in Sanskrit. He describes his process of discovery:
In many ways this author agrees with the results arrived at by previous researchers in the field of CGS [Comparative Gospel Studies]. In general, however, these scholars have been satisfied if they could point out parallels, similar ideas, or similar motives.
This author asks for more. Parallels are not sufficient. To be on firm ground, we must “require close verbal similarity”—something that Derrett [a CGS scholar] … and virtually all other scholars, feel would be “to ask too much.”
When I insist that we must ask for close verbal similarity, I have a good reason for doing so. The main Buddhist source of the New Testament gospels is the bulky Sanskrit text of the Mulasarvastivadavinaya (MSV), and this text was simply not available to previous scholars, including Derrett—who was, as he writes, “shocked” when he received a copy of that text, first published in 1977, from me not long ago, after he had published his own book.
I had published a review of the MSV way back in 1983 in the journal Acta Orientalia, and, of course, read the Sanskrit text before preparing the brief review. Then I turned to other matters. Six or seven years ago, I turned to New Testament studies. One late evening it struck me that what I now was reading in Greek I had already read some years ago, but in Sanskrit. Could the MSV really be a source of passages in the New Testament? So I started comparing systematically the Greek with the Sanskrit. It was a thrill; I could hardly believe my own eyes.
Comparing, then, the two sources carefully word for word, sentence for sentence, motive for motive, for some years, I came to the firm conclusion that the New Testament gospels could be well described as ‘pirate copies’ of the MSV. Gradually it also became clear to me that other Buddhist texts had also been used by the otherwise unknown authors of the New Testament gospels. The most important source apart from the MSV, it is now clear to me, is the famous Lotus Sutra, known in Sanskrit as the Saddharmapundarikasutram. [Lindtner, Christian. “A New Buddhist-Christian Parable.” The Revisionist: Journal for Critical Historical Inquiry, volume 2, number 1 (February 2004): p. 13. See also Lindtner’s website on this subject, at: http://www.jesusisbuddha.com/]
 Haraldsson, op. cit., p. 27.
 Ibid., p. 176.
 Although it seems that Sai Baba has helped some people with physical ailments, he was unable to help the mentally ill. For example, Krishna Kumar, an early devotee, is quoted as saying: “Many mentally sick people came to Baba, but none of them were healed.” (Ibid., p. 123)
Assuming that the cause of many mental illnesses is within the learned programs and/or associated data, in the mind of the individual who is mentally ill, and not merely the result of some organic problem, this means that an inability to directly heal such mental illness is to be expected for any god-man, and for the Caretakers as well, because the learned programs and/or associated data, in the mind of another person, are not directly accessible.
The basic idea of karma is that one’s actions have consequences. Good actions have good consequences, and bad actions have bad consequences. Also, the death of the physical body is not a barrier for karma. Some consequences may, in effect, be deferred until one’s next incarnation in a p-common body.
Given the computing-element reality model, one can dismiss any suggestion that karma is some universal law of the universe that operates in some impartial and perfect way. Instead, karma is personal and subjective. Negative karma (karma for bad actions) operates in two ways, both of which are highly subjective:
In general, if you harm someone else in a way that is judged unfair by that person (this recognition and judgment can be either consciously made or unconsciously made), then, in effect, that person, either during the current incarnation or during the next incarnation, may at some point try to pay you back and harm you in return. In a word, this is revenge.
This is a consequence of our structure: a single soliton (one’s awareness) ruling a large, cooperating population of bions (one’s mind). In effect, if one fails to be a good ruler, there may be a rebellion of the ruled.
Just as your awareness (the soliton) is a member in a larger society (the bions composing your mind), so is your person a member in a larger human society. Harming human society is analogous to harming your mind, and can encourage rebellion. Thus, to be a good ruler over one’s own mind:
Do things that tend to be socially constructive, and avoid doing things that tend to be socially destructive.
Note that this guideline does not necessarily mean that one should not attack or disrupt the society in which one lives, because not every society is just or fair, and even a good society can probably be improved. Also, construction sometimes requires a preceding destruction.
Note that one’s own family is the smallest and most immediate society in which one lives. And, as the saying goes: charity begins in the home.
As a worst-case example of how the rebellion can manifest itself in the next incarnation, consider the case of schizophrenics who are tormented by voices that accuse them in various ways. These voices are from the person’s own mind, and are independent but “low,” having an extremely limited mental range.,
Although some of the misfortunes that befall one may be the result of karma, one should avoid oversimplifying and assuming that all misfortunes are the result of karma.
We are finite, and our minds are limited. Real accidents do happen (although some apparent accidents may be unconsciously arranged by one’s own mind and/or other minds). Also, one may be caught in some larger social process which has nothing to do with one’s karma but has a negative effect on one’s life. And, of course, the experience of ill health touches all, and the misfortunes of old age befall everyone who lives long enough.
In general, because of our own complexity, life is complex, with many often-conflicting influences. Karma is only a part of what influences our lives. And, as the saying goes: you have to take the good with the bad.
 Just as all that one sees is a construction of one’s own mind (section 3.6), so is all that one hears a construction of one’s own mind. Thus, all voices that one may hear, are constructed by one’s own mind, regardless of whether the text (what the voice is saying) has an internal origin (from within one’s own mind) or an external origin (from one of the sensory sources: either one’s physical hearing or telepathic hearing).
A typical person is familiar with two kinds of voices: the voice of one’s own thoughts (this is the same as the voice one hears when reading), and voices heard thru one’s physical hearing (whether hearing oneself talk or hearing others talk). Apparently, given the unerring ease with which one distinguishes between hearing the voice of one’s own thoughts and hearing voices heard thru one’s physical hearing, and given the fact that both types of hearing can take place simultaneously without interference between them, it follows that there are two different non-overlapping allocations of awareness-particle input channels (section 9.6) for carrying the two kinds of hearing to the awareness: one allocation carries the voice of one’s own thoughts, and the other allocation carries all the sounds, including voices, heard thru one’s physical hearing.
As a rule, the text for the voice of one’s own thoughts has an internal origin, and this voice has a soft and unobtrusive sound. A person may also have experience with hearing voices in one’s dreams. In this case, the dream voices have the same sound quality as voices heard thru physical hearing. In other words, they sound like normal voices, instead of sounding like the voice of one’s own thoughts. These dream voices are probably carried to the awareness over the same allocation used for carrying the sounds heard thru one’s physical hearing.
In the case of psychics who claim to hear normal voices, which they believe are telepathic communications from other minds (typically from the dead), such telepathic communication is certainly possible. However, alternatively, in at least some cases, the text may have an internal origin or a mixed origin. In either case, if the voice sounds normal (in other words, the voice sounds like voices heard thru one’s physical hearing) then that heard voice is probably carried to the awareness over the same allocation used for carrying the sounds heard thru one’s physical hearing.
Apparently for some people—typically women—who take their religious beliefs too seriously about submitting their will to God, Jesus, or whatever, they may find themselves being ordered about by their own unconscious mind masquerading behind a normal-sounding voice. In effect, they abdicate the natural right of their awareness as ruler, and give that right to their unconscious mind, imagining that the voice they hear is the voice of God, Jesus, or whatever.
Schizophrenics who are tormented by accusatory voices claim to hear those voices as normal voices. But it should be clear that the text of the voices, regardless of how they sound and regardless of which allocation is carrying those voices, has an internal origin, given such reported characteristics as the extreme monotony and repetition of the text. For these schizophrenics, the rebellion that they caused in their own mind has a voice (this rebellion, typically, is a consequence of actions in their previous incarnation).
 Although it appears that schizophrenics tormented by accusing voices are, in at least the typical case, suffering karmic consequences, one should not conclude that every serious mental malady is karmic.
As a specific example of a non-karmic mental malady, consider the case of mongoloid idiots (aka Down Syndrome). Martha Beck tells the story of her Down-Syndrome child, Adam (Beck, Martha. Expecting Adam. Times Books, New York, 1999):
I started dreaming about dolphins when Adam was about two, right after his younger sister was born. It was always the same dream. It began with me standing on the shore of a glassy-clam sea, watching the sun rise. Then suddenly (and no matter how many times I dreamt it, this always startled me), a dolphin broke the surface of the water in front of me, throwing itself skyward. Drops of water scattered from its fins and flanks like a shower of diamonds in the slanting light. The dolphin seemed to hang in the air for a moment, then arced downward and disappeared into the sea again.
Then I would always look up again, out at the sea, and notice that Adam was in the water as well. He would be playing with the dolphin, his bright blond head shining like flax just above the waves. I could hear the two of them talking to each other, a strange, squealing, clicking chatter that meant nothing to me.
This [dream] went on for a couple of years. Every time it happened, I’d spend hours trying to figure out what it meant. … In the end, I always came back to the same conclusion: the dolphins in my dream represented … dolphins. …
One day, when Adam was four, a neighbor of ours dropped by for a visit. When she saw Adam, she said, “I just read the most interesting article about a little boy with Down syndrome. After he was born, his mother started dreaming about dolphins. Couldn’t get them off her mind.”[Ibid., pp. 319–320]
This connection between Down-Syndrome children and dolphins is apparently real, and is not limited to Martha Beck’s experience. The explanation for Down Syndrome, given both the apparent evidence and the computing-element reality model, is that a Down-Syndrome child, in at least the typical case, was a dolphin in his previous incarnation. (Note that this explanation implicitly rejects the explanation that Down Syndrome is caused by trisomy 21. Although trisomy 21 strongly correlates with Down Syndrome, correlation by itself is not causation. Instead of being the cause, trisomy 21 can be just one of the effects of a different cause, as is suggested here.)
The reason such a child has the kind of mental retardation characteristic of Down Syndrome, is because the jump from being a dolphin to being a normal human in one incarnation is too big a jump to make. In effect, there is too much that is different in terms of all the learned programs involved and the integration that needs to be done to produce a normal child. The part of the dolphin that incarnates is not able to do everything needed to produce a normal child. The end result is the characteristics of Down Syndrome. Thus, the transition from being a dolphin to being a normal human takes more than a single incarnation. However, considering how much is accomplished in that first incarnation, my guess is that by the second incarnation that new human is either normal or nearly normal.
My sister’s son (born 1980) has Tourette Syndrome. In December 2001, knowing of my interest in his condition, he sent me an email in which he gives “a general synopsis that I wrote that covers some of the subtleties about TS that I will use when it is necessary to educate those around me”:
What is Tourette Syndrome?
Tourette Syndrome (TS) is a nervous system disorder characterized by involuntary, rapid, sudden movements or vocalizations called tics that occur repeatedly in the same way. TS is not degenerative in any way; it is not a sign of mental illness; it is not caused by poor parenting or abuse of any kind. TS usually begins in childhood and often continues throughout life; it is found across all ethnic backgrounds and at all socioeconomic levels; although socially awkward its expression is largely cosmetic.
The expression of tics is unlimited and is unique to each person. The complexity of some tics sometimes makes it hard for others to believe the strange actions and inappropriate vocal utterances are not deliberate.
Examples are: facial grimaces, eye blinking; head jerking; shoulder shrugging; throat clearing; yelping noises; tongue clicking; snapping; touching other people or objects; self-injurious actions; copraxia (obscene gestures); coprolalia (obscene language); echolalia (repeating a sound or word just heard); mimicking someone’s mannerisms.
Tics occur many times a day usually in bouts waxing and waning in their severity and periodically changing in frequency, type and location.
Complex verbal tics are often triggered by a completely unrelated thought and do not represent what the person is thinking about.
Tics are suggestible. Merely the mention or sight of a specific tic may induce it.
Repressing tics is difficult and only increases the tension making the tics come out worse later.
Most of the time in situations where it would be socially inappropriate for certain tics the person with TS will not have any tics or ones that are not disturbing, but as soon as they move to a less restricted environment they will often experience a major tic bout.
When someone is told to stop ticcing or if they are in a place where they know they can’t tic they will sometimes feel the compulsion even more strongly.
Stress, positive or negative emotional excitement, fatigue, Central Nervous System stimulants, unpleasant memories or lack of understanding from others can all significantly increase tics.
Being in a stimulating or new environment, involved in conversation, meeting new people, concentrating on a task, relaxation, and acceptance by others can all significantly decrease tics.
What I Ask of You
Now that I understand what TS is, I accept it and it’s not a big deal to me. Most of the time I will be fine, but sometimes it can be overwhelming so when I do tic please ignore them as they are harmless. However if I offend you or you can’t handle seeing me this way then talk directly to me about it and I will try to accommodate you by redirecting the tic into something less threatening to your sensibilities, but note that I will not ostracize myself because of this. If you have any other concerns or questions please ask me.
His above synopsis is drawn from his study of the TS literature, and from his own experience with TS. During a two-week visit by my nephew in July 2001, I had the chance to observe his TS characteristics: he has both movement tics and vocal tics, including both copraxia and coprolalia. Near the end of his visit I developed an explanation for Tourette Syndrome that I believe is correct:
Briefly, my explanation for Tourette Syndrome is that for a person with TS, a part of the mind that for an average person of that nation and gender outputs to n input channels of the awareness particle (the soliton), has instead substantially fewer input channels of the awareness particle to which it can output, because those input channels, at some stage during that person’s previous development, were, in effect, allocated to one or more other mind parts. Then, over time, that mind part that is missing its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels, compensates, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere, ultimately resulting in the tics of TS.,
In terms of tics, TS cases range from mild to severe. For example, a person who just does a lot of eye blinking or throat clearing would be a mild case; my nephew, with his copraxia and coprolalia, is a severe case. As far as what determines TS severity, the primary determinant is probably the mind part involved and the extent to which that mind part has lost its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels: the fewer the number of lost channels, the more mild the TS; the greater the number of lost channels, the more severe the TS.
In theory, the mind part that suffered the loss may be different in different TS cases. However, in at least many TS cases, and, I believe, in the case of my nephew, the specific mind part that suffered the loss is that mind part—here called the sexual mind part—that is heavily involved in sexual feeling, desire, and attraction. The primary reason to believe this is because TS tics, in a typical severe case, often have a strong sexual content. In addition, another reason is the similarity between the strong insistence of TS tics and the strong insistence of sexual desire.
One may assume that each soliton has the same total number of input channels, and that each input channel is identical in terms of its data-carrying characteristics. Given the central governing role that the soliton plays vis-a-vis the other intelligent particles that collectively form the mind, it stands to reason that a soliton’s input and output channels are not wasted: they are all utilized. Thus, if some mind part does not have its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels, then those awareness-particle input channels have been allocated elsewhere. Regarding Tourette Syndrome, it is interesting to note that the TS group as a whole has a reputation for being intelligent. For example, there are many statements like the following on the internet:
Many of my patients with Tourette syndrome are of above average intelligence, frequently intellectually gifted.
… most people with TS appear to have above average intelligence.
Many people believe there is a link between intelligence, creativity, and Tourette syndrome. Certainly in my experience, children with Tourette’s are often quite intelligent …
Given that general intelligence seems to be inherited from the mother, I expected my nephew to have an intelligence similar to my own, since we are both on the same female tree (his mother’s mother is also my mother). However, what I have noticed about my nephew is that in some intellectual areas we are about the same, but in other intellectual areas he either clearly exceeds me (example: writing ability) or far exceeds me (example: mathematical ability). Thus, regarding my nephew, he fits the pattern of having TS and being intelligent; in his case, very intelligent.
Given the association of Tourette Syndrome with intelligence, it seems safe to assume that for a typical person with TS, the mind parts that, in effect, account for intelligence, have received more than their normal share of awareness-particle input channels. Thus, in effect, the loss of the sexual mind part has been the gain of the intellectual mind parts. In general, the greater the loss for the sexual mind part, the greater the enhancement of intelligence. The extent of the loss for the sexual mind part, and its consequent effects, varies from one TS person to the next. In the case of my nephew, his loss appears to have been sufficiently great enough to cause, among other things, a complete absence of orgasm. Here is a dictionary definition of orgasm:
orgasm: The climax of sexual excitement, marked normally by ejaculation of semen by the male and by the release of tumescence in erectile organs of both sexes.
This dictionary definition describes the physical events that coincide with the orgasm experience, which for a male is the ejaculation of semen. Its description of the orgasm feeling is limited to a statement about the feeling’s relative strength and its placement on the pleasure-pain scale (climax of sexual excitement: presumably the most pleasurable). In general, describing a feeling is limited to stating such things as the feeling’s strength or intensity; its duration; its placement on a scale that ranges from pleasure to pain; its comparison to other feelings. As a rule, reading a written description of a feeling does not cause one to experience that feeling, because the data sent to the awareness particle for reading comprehension is different than the data sent to the awareness particle for causing that feeling. Likewise, the act of remembering a feeling does not cause one to experience that feeling, because the data sent to the awareness particle for remembering is different than the data sent to the awareness particle for causing that feeling.
Drawing on my own experience with male orgasm: it came in waves, with each wave coinciding with each ejaculation of semen; it was a feeling that was strong but not overwhelmingly so, at least for me; it definitely felt good; nothing else in my life has felt like an orgasm. Note that for a typical male in his physical prime (younger than middle-aged), from the first ejaculation to the last, typically less than ten seconds elapse, so the accumulated duration of the orgasm feeling is even less than this.
In November 2000, my nephew, during a phone call, surprised me by asking about my orgasm experience. As I then learned, he has never had an orgasm during ejaculation (nor at any other time), and he was asking me about my own experience, because he was trying to find out if he had inherited his no-orgasm condition from his relatives. His no-orgasm condition is a rarity for young males. However, the loss of orgasm by older males is more common, as I was to find out for myself, a mere six months later, in May 2001: at age 45½, over a period of about a month, my orgasm experience, being noticeably weaker each successive time, faded away to nothing; and yet, everything else, including the ejaculation, was the same—it was just the orgasm feeling itself that had disappeared.
My orgasm loss, I assume, was a consequence of my advancing age. The male-orgasm experience is obviously a reward, whose ultimate purpose is the production of children. As a male ages, his value as a potential new father declines for many reasons. Thus, the withdrawal of the orgasm reward is understandable.
At the time of my orgasm loss, I was not expecting something positive to result in consequence; but that is what happened. About three months later, in August 2001, while replaying a computer game, I noticed that the game seemed much easier for me (beyond what I had experienced before when replaying computer games). Then I replayed two other computer games, and, among other things, I noticed that I was playing in a way that I had never played before with any such game: I was actually planning my movements, and, for the first time, I was able to shoot accurately while moving; I also found myself thinking about movement strategies at other times of the day when I was not playing. Overall, I was much more focused on, and interested in, how I moved during combat encounters, than I had been in the past. My combat strategy in the past consisted of little more than trying to find the best spot to be in at the beginning of the encounter, and then just standing still, firing the best weapon I had at the targets; complex movement sequences during combat were simply beyond me: I did not think about them, and I did not make them. Regarding my past game play, I have known about my weak game play since the early 1980s, based on my experience with coin-operated video games. In recent years, playing 3D first-person-shooter games on my computer, I would choose the easiest game-difficulty settings out of necessity, and I would also use cheats as needed, such as god-mode (invulnerability), to get thru game sections that I could not otherwise get thru. Now, however, with my newfound movement abilities, I play typical shooter games on normal difficulty, and I get thru them without cheats, so I appear to now be about average, compared to other males who play these computer games.
Regarding my loss of orgasm, the following explanation seems likely: My sexual mind part had a substantial number of awareness-particle input channels that were dedicated to carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling. With my advancing age, my sexual mind part gave up these input channels, which were then acquired by a different mind part that up until that time had a below-normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels (as demonstrated by my weak game play compared to other males).
Regarding how my orgasm faded away over a period of about a month, being progressively weaker each time, the following explanation seems likely: The strength of the orgasm feeling—and of feelings in general—is proportional to the number of awareness-particle input channels carrying the data that causes that feeling., My progressively weaker orgasm was caused by having progressively fewer awareness-particle input channels carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling.
Overall, the allocation of the awareness-particle input channels among the different mind parts is a major determinant in how one differs from other people. Thus, for example, differences in intelligence between two persons, in the typical case, is primarily due to different allocations of the awareness-particle input channels. Also, how the awareness-particle input channels are allocated among the different mind parts is a major determinant in how the two genders, men and women, differ from each other; and how the three races of mankind differ from each other; and how the various nations of mankind differ from each other.,,, For example, the average woman has a weaker orgasm experience than the average man. Thus, the allocation plan for the average woman allocates fewer awareness-particle input channels to orgasm, than does the allocation plan for the average man.
 Based on the size of our visual field, and assuming each pixel in our visual field uses one awareness-particle input channel, the total number of input channels that the awareness particle has is in the millions. Thus, the value of n could easily be in the thousands.
 That a mind part can establish new connections for its outputs and/or inputs when its normal connections are lost is demonstrated by the fact that many people who suffer serious brain damage—as a consequence of such things as head wounds, strokes, and brain tumors—and initially lose one or more of their mental abilities, are able to regain some or all of their lost mental abilities in the following months or years as the affected mind parts learn to make use of different neural pathways to carry the affected input and/or output data.
That a mind part can establish new connections when its normal connections are lost is also demonstrated by the phenomenon of phantom limbs. Developing a phantom limb is a typical result for someone who has had a limb amputated. In the case of a limb amputation, there is no brain damage. Instead, because of the amputation, the normal neural pathways that used to carry the signals from that limb have fallen silent. The affected mind part then compensates—regaining sensory input for that limb—by remapping the lost limb onto an adjoining area of primary motor cortex, and interpreting the sensory input from that adjoining cortex area as sensory input from the amputated limb. For example:
… touching the stump of an amputated arm often causes two sensations: one is the normal sensation you expect from touching skin; the second is … a feeling that the phantom hand is also being touched. [Hoffman, op. cit., p. 173]
V.Q. was seventeen when his left arm was amputated six centimeters above the elbow. Four weeks later he was tested by Ramachandran and colleagues, who found a systematic map of his phantom hand on his left arm, about seven centimeters above the stump. They also found a map of the phantom hand on his face, on the lower left side … [Ibid., p. 175. Hoffman also describes another amputee with a similar amputation, who likewise had a map for his phantom hand on both his face and on his arm above the stump. And, as Hoffman notes, the cortex area for the hand, adjoins the cortex area for the rest of that arm, and also adjoins on the opposite side the cortex area for the face.]
 This explanation for Tourette Syndrome—that a mind part that is missing its normal allocation of awareness-particle input channels, compensates, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere—offers a similar explanation for the condition known as tardive dyskinesia. Here is a brief description of tardive dyskinesia:
Tardive dyskinesia is a neurological syndrome caused by the long-term use of neuroleptic drugs. Neuroleptic drugs are generally prescribed for psychiatric disorders, as well as for some gastrointestinal and neurological disorders. Tardive dyskinesia is characterized by repetitive, involuntary, purposeless movements. Features of the disorder may include grimacing, tongue protrusion, lip smacking, puckering and pursing, and rapid eye blinking. Rapid movements of the arms, legs, and trunk may also occur. Impaired movements of the fingers may appear as though the patient is playing an invisible guitar or piano.
There is no standard treatment for tardive dyskinesia. Treatment is highly individualized. The first step is generally to stop or minimize the use of the neuroleptic drug. …
Symptoms of tardive dyskinesia may remain long after discontinuation of neuroleptic drugs; however, with careful management, some symptoms may improve and/or disappear with time. [Tardive Dyskinesia Information Page, National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, at: http://www.ninds.nih.gov/health_and_medical/disorders/tardive_doc.htm]
Neuroleptic drugs interfere with normal brain chemistry and can block neuron signal transmission in one or more brain areas. If some mind part has the neural pathways that it normally uses for its outputs blocked for a long time, then that mind part is going to try to compensate, proportionate to its loss, by sending its outputs elsewhere, which may ultimately result in the movement tics of tardive dyskinesia.
 For example, a man with severe TS, commenting about his spoken vocal tics, asks: “Why is it always sexual?” (from the one-hour TV program Tourette’s Syndrome: Uncensored, BBC, 2000).
In the case of my nephew, his spoken vocal tics were often sexual in content, but not exclusively so. One way to explain this is that he may have besides the sexual mind part reacting to channel loss, an additional non-sexual mind part also reacting to channel loss. In other words, some TS cases may be caused by multiple mind parts that have each suffered substantial channel loss. Alternatively, a different way to explain the variety in my nephew’s spoken vocal tics is to suggest that the sexual mind part—which cannot by itself understand what a given spoken phrase means (language understanding is accomplished by a different mind part)—selects the verbal phrases it will output based on data from other mind parts; and this selection criteria—whatever it is—sometimes results in non-sexual phrases being selected, because they have the same signature as sexual phrases.
 For example, as my nephew says in his TS synopsis:
To make the similarity to sexual desire clear, here is my rewritten version of his points (I am assuming a typical young man):
 At: http://www.doctorjudith.com/disorder_info.htm
 At: http://www.tourettesyndrome.co.uk/information.htm
 At: http://www.bestdoctors.com/en/askadoctor/b/brown/lwbrown_061200_q9.htm
 Webster’s II New Riverside University Dictionary. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, 1984.
 Unfortunately for me, I was circumcised as an infant, as were roughly 70% of the other American males born in 1955. This book is not about America nor about circumcision (on these two subjects see my other writings, such as my essays American Culture and The Psychological Harm of Male Circumcision). However, I am mentioning this fact about my being circumcised because my study of the circumcision subject has made me aware of the fact that circumcision—in addition to its many other negative sexual effects—tends to suppress and lessen the orgasm experience. For example, the results of a poll titled Cut vs Intact vs Restored/Restoring, created in December 2002 by razniq, shows the harm that circumcision does to the orgasm experience (the poll is at http://www.misterpoll.com/poll.mpl?id=803956922; the poll results are at http://www.misterpoll.com/results.mpl?id=803956922; the bracketed [notes] are mine, added for clarity):
Describe what you feel when you come [orgasm].
- I’m cut [circumcised] and I feel barely anything. (6%)
- I’m cut [circumcised] and I feel something in my ‘equipment’ [genitals] only. (13%)
- I’m cut [circumcised] and I feel it in my whole body. (24%)
- I’m intact [natural; not circumcised] and I feel barely anything. (0%)
- I’m intact [natural; not circumcised] and I feel something in my ‘equipment’ [genitals] only. (1%)
- I’m intact [natural; not circumcised] and I feel it in my whole body. (21%)
- I am restoring/restored and what I feel has improved. (24%)
- I am restoring/restored and there is no change in what I feel. (2%)
- I am restoring/restored and what I feel has decreased. (0%)
- I am a USA female. (2%)
- I am a non-USA female. (2%)
353 total votes
[For each person taking the poll, choosing from the above eleven choices, the poll allows only a single answer. But note that the total of the above percentages adds up to 95% instead of 100%, presumably because the poll results are rounded down to the nearest integer.]
[Note that I saw a post by razniq in an anti-circumcision forum that I like to read, telling about his poll; I assume the high percentage for “restoring/restored” (totals 26%) is a direct consequence of the places where razniq advertised his poll, because men who have done foreskin restoration tend to congregate in foreskin-restoration and anti-circumcision forums.]
The above poll results make clear the negative effect that circumcision has on the orgasm experience. As the poll results show, circumcision can steal from its victim the experience of a full-body orgasm. Additional evidence for this conclusion is the fact that some men who have restored their foreskins (only a partial restoration is possible) report making the transition from a localized orgasm to a full-body orgasm. For example, a foreskin-restoration forum post by zac0212, dated April 15, 2003, says:
I would describe my circumcision as loose with a partial frenulum (damaged during circ). I have been restoring for a little over a month. Before restoring my orgasms were very localized. In the short time that I have been restoring, my orgasms have changed significantly. My inner foreskin remnant and frenulum have become much more sensitive. I am amazed at how much more I can experience during sex, and my orgasms take over my whole body. Amazing![At: http://health.groups.yahoo.com/group/ForeskinRestoration/message/3232]
As for myself, exactly what is meant by a full-body orgasm I do not know, because I never had one; I only had the localized kind. Thus, my orgasm description is that of a circumcised man who has never had a full-body orgasm.
 Having dedicated channels to carry the data for a specific feeling means that there are no channel-sharing conflicts and no need for arbitration, which would otherwise be the case if a given channel were used to carry other data besides the data that produces that feeling.
In the case of orgasm, those channels allocated to carry the orgasm-producing data will be unused most of the time. If one were to assume that all awareness-particle input channels are more or less dedicated, then the channels allocated to carry the orgasm-producing data are probably among the least used channels. As an example of high utilization, consider the channels dedicated to vision.
 The reason that the strength of a feeling would be proportional to the number of awareness-particle input channels carrying the data that causes that feeling, is because this is a simple and reliable arbitration method for the awareness particle: in effect, the strength of a feeling is proportional to the number of votes for that feeling, with each input channel counting as one vote. The alternative, having the strength of a feeling encoded as part of the input data for that feeling, would be dangerous, as it would mean that a single input channel would have the capability to deliver a very strong feeling.
 Note that the orgasm feeling differs from most other feelings in that the orgasm feeling—based on my own experience before my loss, and based on how others describe it—has much less variation in its perceived intensity range. Each orgasm feels the same as the previous orgasm. Given this sameness, this means that when the orgasm feeling is sent to the awareness, of those awareness-particle input channels allocated (dedicated) for carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling, the same or nearly the same fraction of those allocated awareness-particle input channels are utilized for carrying the orgasm-producing data to the awareness. Assuming the orgasm feeling is not suppressed by some external cause such as circumcision, the typical orgasm feeling probably utilizes all or nearly all of the total allocation for carrying the data that causes the orgasm feeling.
For most other feelings, including emotional feelings and also the feeling of physical pain, the mind part that sends that feeling to the awareness typically utilizes only a fraction of the total allocation for carrying the data that causes that feeling, with the size of that fraction depending on the wanted intensity of that feeling.
 Given that general intelligence seems to be inherited from the mother, it follows that this inheritance, at least in part, is in the form of an allocation plan, that allocates the awareness-particle input channels to the intellectual mind parts.
 This explanation for human mental differences, that they result primarily from differences in how the awareness-particle input channels have been allocated, means that humanity as a whole can share the same underlying programming of the mind parts. This greatly lessens the burden placed on the learned-program mechanism and its associated sharing mechanism (section 3.6), because there is no need to suggest that there are many substantially different versions of human mental programming, and likewise there is no need to suggest that human mental differences result from localized evolution of an individual’s mental programming over a short time frame.
One implication of this explanation for human mental differences is that the limiting factor for consciously expressed intelligence is the limited number of awareness-particle input channels, which is insufficient to fully connect all the various mind parts so that each mind part is connected to its maximum potential, assuming that a mind part’s maximum potential is represented by the extent to which the most capable people have the mental abilities associated with that mind part. Thus, if there were no limit on the number of awareness-particle input channels, each person could have the math ability of a great mathematician such as Newton, the writing ability of a great writer such as Dickens, the inventiveness of a great inventor such as Edison, the graphic-arts ability of a great artist such as Michelangelo, and so on (note: feel free to replace the names of Newton, Dickens, Edison, and Michelangelo with the names of those you recognize or revere as the most capable in those areas).
 The explanation that we all share the same underlying mental programming but the limiting factor for its conscious expression is the limited number of awareness-particle input channels, explains the commonly observed truism that excelling (compared to the average) in one or more ways is accompanied by deficits (compared to the average) elsewhere. For example, when I was a teenager in high-school, it was a commonplace truism that the jocks (athletes) were stupid, and the smart kids were unathletic. Well, it was true about myself and most of my friends (smart and unathletic), but there was an exception in that one of my friends was smart and also very athletic, which only means that his deficits were elsewhere. In effect, the allocation of awareness-particle input channels is what is known as a zero-sum game, where the gain of one player is a loss by the same amount for the other players. The players are the various mental programs (mind parts) that have outputs intended for connection to the awareness particle. Each of these mental programs is a potential recipient of an allocation of awareness-particle input channels, and this allocation defines the extent to which the mental program can connect its awareness-intended outputs to the awareness particle.
There are many players in this allocation game (I estimate more than 50 players), and the number of channels to be allocated is large (at least several million), so there is a very large number of different allocation plans for humanity that are sufficiently different enough from each other that an outside observer would be able to see differences between people having these different allocation plans.
About the truism that excelling in one or more ways is accompanied by deficits elsewhere, I have long been aware of many of my own various deficits (compared to the average). My sensory and motor deficits include: a weak sense of smell; a below-average sense of taste; low athletic ability. My intellectual deficits include: no artistic ability and a below-average memory for many of the things that the average person remembers, such as remembering details of one’s own life; I also have a poor sense of direction. My emotional deficits, as far as I know, are somewhat typical for a man (men on average have a more limited range of emotions than women).
For most people, their allocation plan, regarding how it allocates to the various intellectual abilities, spreads the wealth, so to speak, and is not so one-sided that one intellectual ability is far above average while most of the other intellectual abilities are far below average, which appears to be the case for those persons known as idiot savants. Psychologist David Gershaw gives an overview regarding idiot savants:
Leslie Lemke—born mentally retarded, blind, and suffering from cerebral palsy—sat down at the piano for the first time and played an almost perfect rendition of Tchaikovsky’s First Piano Concerto!
Bob, now in his sixties is a “calendar calculator”—he can name the day of the week for any given date since 1947. He gives most of his answers in less than 8 seconds! Yet Bob is mentally retarded. He lives in a foster home, because he cannot even manage simple daily living skills.
Although these people would perform below normal on any conventional measure of intelligence, they have fantastic abilities in very limited areas. In the past, psychologists have referred to such people as idiot savants—a term that literally means “learned idiots.”
However, this term is not really correct. First, although they are mentally retarded, they are not idiots—those at the lowest level of intelligence. Also they are not savants—people with great knowledge. Their amazing talents—most often in the areas of music, art, mathematics, calendar calculation or memory for obscure facts—are in sharp contrast to their low levels of general functioning. Psychologists estimate that less than one percent of mentally retarded people have some sort of “savant” talents.
In addition, an estimated 10% of autistic people have these “savant” abilities. Autism is a disorder that affects communication, learning and emotions—and sometimes includes mental retardation. Autistic people shun human relationships but may become completely absorbed with mechanical objects. [Gershaw, David. Islands of Genius, 1988. At: http://www.members.cox.net/dagershaw/lol/GeniusIsland.html]
In the case of idiot savants, besides having a severely unbalanced and one-sided allocation, it may also be the case that the total number of awareness-particle input channels that are allocated to the various intellectual abilities is substantially below average. In the case of a mentally retarded person who has no savant ability, his allocation plan is more balanced, but for whatever reason his allocation plan simply allocates too few awareness-particle input channels to the various intellectual abilities.
Autism, mentioned in the above quote, is another condition that is understandable in terms of being the result of an allocation plan that allocates a substantially below-average number of awareness-particle input channels to those mental programs involved in providing what the condition is deficient in. According to the Autism Society of America:
Autism is a complex developmental disability that typically appears during the first three years of life. … Children and adults with autism typically have difficulties in verbal and non-verbal communication, social interactions, and leisure or play activities.
The overall incidence of autism is consistent around the globe, but is four times more prevalent in boys than girls. Autism knows no racial, ethnic, or social boundaries, and family income, lifestyle, and educational levels do not affect the chance of autism’s occurrence. [What is Autism?. At: http://www.autism-society.org/site/PageServer?pagename=whatisautism]
About the much greater incidence of autism in males, there is a simple explanation: Women are known to be on average much more social and communicative than men. Thus, the allocation plan for the average female allocates many more awareness-particle input channels to those mental programs involved in socializing and communicating, than does the allocation plan for the average male. Thus, more males than females will have autism. More specifically, if one were to see the distribution curve (it is probably a bell curve) plotting for the entire female population the distribution of the number of awareness-particle input channels allocated to the mental programs involved in socializing and communicating, and compare this distribution curve with the same distribution curve for the entire male population, then, given that autism is “four times more prevalent in boys than girls,” this mean that the area under the male distribution curve between point 0 (no awareness-particle input channels allocated to the mental programs involved in socializing and communicating) and point x (the maximum allocation—to the mental programs involved in socializing and communicating—that is still likely to result in a diagnosis of autism; likely means at least 50% probability) is four times the area under the female distribution curve between those same two points (0 and x).
 In section 9.2 it was mentioned that the Caretakers apparently have the same two genders as mankind. Given this current section, one can outline the evolutionary process that would over time result in the Caretakers having two genders. This same evolutionary process also explains the two human genders (supplementing and in addition to the organic reason involving sexual reproduction):
Assume that at some point in their evolutionary development the Caretakers reached the same situation that currently applies to mankind, in which the limiting factor for their consciously expressed self (including their senses, feelings and emotions, personality, and intelligence) is the limited number of awareness-particle input channels, which is insufficient to fully connect all the various mind parts so that each mind part is connected to its maximum potential. In this situation, each newly formed Caretaker—assuming they undergo a rebirth process, albeit without a physical body—is faced with a winner-take-all choice, because, as a rule, the allocation of awareness-particle input channels, once done, does not change, except for certain age-related changes such as the age-related orgasm loss in my own case, and the other changes that happen at different stages in one’s growth to adulthood and one’s decline into old age (see the discussion in the next section about how the allocation plan changes for humans at different stages in their development as they grow and age).
As sociologists have already noted, it is known in human society that a winner-take-all election scheme eventually results in only two major political parties that capture most of the votes. Similarly, one may assume that the evolving Caretaker society would eventually have only two major allocation plans for allocating the awareness-particle input channels—resulting in their two genders, which are apparently similar to our own two genders. Each newly formed Caretaker, in effect, typically chooses one of these two major allocation plans (presumably this choice is made unconsciously), and then makes adjustments to that allocation plan as wanted and/or needed according to whatever influences are involved (presumably these adjustments are also made unconsciously).
 Of these three subdivisions of mankind—gender, race, and nation—nation is the smallest subdivision. In effect, each nation has two different allocation plans that each allocate the awareness-particle input channels. One of these allocation plans defines what an average man of that nation is like (in terms of mental qualities), and the other allocation plan defines what an average woman of that nation is like (in terms of mental qualities).
 Given the gender basis of the three races (section 9.2), one may infer that the african race has the strongest orgasm, the oriental race has the weakest orgasm, and the caucasian race is inbetween.
Regarding how the awareness-particle input channels are allocated among the various mind parts, different changes happen at different times in one’s life, with most or all of the substantial changes (changes that are noticeable) happening during growth and aging. The inbetween period, between the allocation changes that happen during growth and aging, begins sometime after puberty and extends until one reaches the first substantial allocation changes that happen during middle age.
Puberty—defined as the period during which one becomes capable of sexual reproduction—has both physical changes and allocation changes. The allocation changes include giving the sexual mind part a substantial share of the awareness-particle input channels. Among the allocations to the sexual mind part are allocations for carrying the feelings of sexual desire and attraction, and also allocations for feeling sexual pleasure, including an allocation for the orgasm feeling.
Prior to puberty, children have much fewer awareness-particle input channels allocated to the sexual mind part. However, given that there are many statements by mothers remarking how their infants and young children like to play with their genitals, this suggests that prior to puberty at least some awareness-particle input channels have already been allocated for carrying feelings of sexual pleasure. Some of the other parts of the sexual mind part may also have non-zero allocations prior to puberty, although these allocations are much smaller than what is allocated at the time of puberty.
Puberty is when the single largest increase in allocations to the sexual mind part happens, but there may be additional allocation increases that happen in the years immediately after puberty, since it seems typical for sexual desire and attraction to grow and blossom in the immediately following years. However, regardless, any additional allocation increases to the sexual mind part are probably completed well before the sexual peak is reached, which for average caucasian males is said to be roughly age 19 (puberty for them happens at roughly age 12).
As was explained in section 9.6, the allocation of awareness-particle input channels is a zero-sum game. What is allocated to one mind part must be taken from one or more other mind parts. This means that the allocation increases for the sexual mind part are offset by allocation decreases in one or more other mind parts. A likely candidate for the source of a substantial fraction of the awareness-particle input channels that are shifted to the sexual mind part is the mind part involved in learning new spoken languages.
Very young children easily learn whatever spoken languages they are exposed to, and this implies a substantial allocation of awareness-particle input channels to the mind part involved in learning new spoken languages. For the average person, this ability to learn a new spoken language is substantially less after puberty, and continues to decline in the following years. By adulthood, this ability to learn a new spoken language is mostly gone.
There are certainly more allocation changes that happen as one grows from an infant to an adult, at different points along the way, involving various mind parts, but the two allocation changes described above—allocation increases for the sexual mind part, and allocation decreases for the mind part involved in learning new spoken languages—are easy to see and understand, and they happen to most people.
During the growth period from an infant to an adult, there are physical changes, allocation changes, and other changes that are neither physical changes nor allocation changes (for example, the higher average rate at which data is fed to the soliton when one is a child—mentioned in section 6.3—is neither a physical change nor an allocation change). Similarly, during the aging period from middle age till death from old age, there are physical changes, allocation changes, and other changes that are neither physical changes nor allocation changes.
In 2001 (at age 45) I wrote about my own entry into middle age as follows:
With middle age comes changes: both the mind and the body decline in various ways. I entered middle age about a month after my 41st birthday, undergoing the various bodily changes—such as a decrease in how much the bladder can empty—that are described in the medical literature. Also, in my first month of middle age, my former ability to do mental work about 70 hours per week—in my case, programming work—rapidly declined to about 40 hours per week (after I had experienced this mental-work decline, which has remained unchanged since then, I understood where the 40-hour work-week came from).
Although for the most part the big middle-age changes that I experienced happened to me in that first month of middle age, there have been a few lesser changes that have happened in the last few years.
One thing I remember telling people the first year or two after my entry into middle age, is that during my 20s I had an excess of physical energy; during my 30s the excess energy was gone but nothing was missing (there were no deficits, and everything still worked the same); but upon my entry into middle age, that was my first big experience with the negative effects of aging. I had substantially less physical energy, and I had specific physical deficits in the sense that certain specific body functions were no longer working as well or effortlessly as they used to.,
Roughly one and a half years after my entry into middle age, at about age 42½, I suddenly lost my interest in listening to music and watching movies. At the time of that loss, there were no physical changes, illnesses, dietary changes, or other changes happening in my life. Thus, my previous interest in listening to music and watching movies simply disappeared with no apparent cause, other than that I was getting older. This loss of interest has remained with me unchanged for the last seven years (I am writing this at about age 49½).
My current thinking about that loss is that it was probably due to an allocation change. More specifically, before my loss I probably had an allocation of awareness-particle input channels for carrying a pleasure feeling whose intensity was based on whatever criteria the relevant mind part was using to judge how good a piece of music was. Thus, I listened to music I liked because I was getting pleasure from listening to that music. But once that allocation was gone, so was the pleasure, and my reason for listening to music., The simultaneous loss of my prior interest in watching movies—more specifically, I had a decades-long habit of going at least once a month to a movie theatre to watch a movie—was probably also due to my loss of interest in music, since the movies I watched typically had a lot of music in them, and those movie theatres all had good sound systems.
At about age 45½ my orgasm disappeared, with noticeable reallocation effects afterwards, as described in section 9.6. At about age 48½ (around late March/early April 2004), I underwent another big change. Knowing that I would probably want to write about it in the next edition of this book, I wrote the following account on August 16, 2004 (edited for improved readability and clarity):
I finally came to the conclusion that the smells in the kitchen refrigerator and elsewhere in the house, starting roughly two months ago, is because my sense of smell has improved compared to my previous sense of smell.
Note that around late March/early April I knew I was changing in some negative ways, because it seemed that my sexual interest had dropped down greatly compared to my previous level of sexual interest (this drop did not recover, it is still there now, five months later). This drop reminds me of the much smaller sexual-interest drop that coincided with or followed my orgasm loss at age 45½. So, since my entry into middle age, this is the second time my sexual-interest level has undergone a significant noticeable decrease that is permanent.
So, I have now put 2 and 2 together, and I understand that the improvement in my sense of smell, which became noticeable roughly two months ago, is a result of a reallocation of awareness-particle input channels that were previously allocated to my sexual mind part. And so, like for the time between my orgasm loss and noticing game-playing improvement, roughly three months had elapsed. So, in both cases the reallocation process took roughly three months.
added August 27, 2004:
I also think my ambition drive (trying to be descriptive) is weaker now (I had already noticed this when I wrote the August 16 comment, but I had no description for it). So, given my sexual-interest decline and ambition decline that happened back around early April, I can see how I am heading toward becoming how old men seem: sexual interest at 0 (like was described in Plato’s dialog), and a mild manner (ambition and competitiveness are at 0).
It is now mid-April 2005 as I write this, and I want to comment on a few things in my above statement. My sense of smell did indeed improve greatly compared to what it was previously. Many times last year, both indoors and outdoors, I was actively walking around, investigating, smelling different things, and noting smells and scents that were new to me. The newness of my improved sense of smell has since worn off, and I am used to it now. Note that my statement in section 9.6—my sensory and motor deficits include: a weak sense of smell; a below-average sense of taste; low athletic ability—was written by me in March 2004 for the 9th edition of this book. I no longer have a weak sense of smell, but I did when I wrote that. I guess my sense of smell is now close to being average, or at least a lot closer to being average than it was, since I can now smell the same things that other people smell and talk about, which was not the case before. Note that I had learned early in my life that I had a weak sense of smell, because many times in my life I have been in the company of other people who were talking about smells, such as food smells, that either I could not smell at all or could only smell weakly if I got close enough.
About the decline in my ambition: Either coincident with, or shortly after the late March/early April 2004 changes that happened to me, I knew I had changed in a big way, but it took time for me to understand and verbalize to myself how I had changed. The sexual-interest decline was quickly apparent and easy to state. But I had also changed in a way that was not easy for me to see and state. Thus, it was not until roughly five months after those changes that I was ready to explain that other big change as being a substantial decline in my ambition.
In terms of allocation changes, middle age includes a reallocation away from the sexual mind part. There may also be reallocations away from certain other mind parts, which in my case included the music-pleasure and ambition mind parts. More recently, around the beginning of 2005 at age 49, I had a reallocation away from my concentration mind part.
It is said that one grows wise with age. When I was young, I just assumed that insofar as this saying is true, the reason for it is simply accumulated life experience. Certainly, life experience is an important factor in being wise. However, given that middle age sees a reallocation away from the sexual mind part, this means that as men and women pass thru middle age, they are going to see increased allocations for one or more other mind parts, some of which may be mind parts involved with wisdom, including whatever mind parts are involved with understanding, judgment, and being knowledgeable.
Although the large allocation losses for the sexual mind part during middle age are easy to see, typically less obvious and easy to see are where the deallocated awareness-particle input channels are reallocated to. Based on my own experience so far, it seems that reallocations tend to go where one has the greatest allocation deficits compared to what an average person of one’s gender, race, and nation would have in terms of their allocations. In my own case, it was only because I had some big allocation deficits compared to the average, and two of these big allocation deficits were each largely erased in their entirety by a single reallocation, that I experienced such big and easy-to-see reallocation changes. Thus, after my orgasm loss at age 45½ and the consequent reallocation, I quickly went from being a long-time very-weak first-person-shooter computer-game player who had to use the lowest difficulty settings and god-mode cheats to have any chance of being able to get thru the game, to being a good player of about average ability who was able to consistently get thru these games with his newfound skills and abilities, playing at normal difficulty settings without any cheats. Similarly, after the large decline in my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent reallocation, I quickly went from having a weak sense of smell to having a sense of smell that is much closer to average than it was. But besides these reallocation-caused changes in my game-playing ability and sense of smell, I also had a few smaller and less-obvious reallocation-caused changes elsewhere.,
After middle age comes old age, during which there are probably additional allocation changes for those who live long enough to experience them. At some point during old age, if not sooner, comes death and the afterlife. During the afterlife there are probably allocation changes on a scale that make the allocation changes of middle age and old age seem small in comparison. Specifically, after first the physical body and then the bion body are abandoned, the previous allocations that were used for carrying all the body sensations and feelings are probably reallocated elsewhere. Similarly, the previous allocations that were used for carrying the sense of taste and the sense of smell are probably reallocated elsewhere. So, where do these reallocations go? Note that out-of-body projectionists cannot answer this question from their own experience, since by definition they still have both their physical body and bion body, even when their awareness is projected away from these two bodies as during a lucid-dream projection. Thus, no person can say from experience how greatly his conscious mind is enhanced in the afterlife, until sometime after his death. However, when I think of how large the total allocation must be for carrying to the awareness all the body sensations and feelings that can be felt simultaneously at many different points on the body, including carrying the sense of touch which has a large intensity range, carrying the feeling of bodily pain which has a very large intensity range, and carrying the feeling of how the parts of the body are currently positioned relative to each other even as they move, my own guess is that after the discard of the bion body, and after the passage of whatever time is then needed for the consequent reallocations, that, as experienced by the awareness, there are large increases in the areas of intelligence, memory recall, visualization, and emotion.,,,,,
 In this section, as a literary convenience, allocated awareness-particle input channels are said to carry the perceived end-result of the data they carry to the awareness, instead of being said to carry the data that causes that perception in the awareness. Thus, for example, “carrying the feelings of sexual desire and attraction” instead of “carrying the data that causes the feelings of sexual desire and attraction.” Doing this avoids excessive repetition of such phrases as “the data that causes”.
Also in this section, each instance of the word reallocations (and likewise for the singular reallocation) has one of two meanings:
The word reallocations is referring to both sides of the allocation ledger: the mind piece or pieces that had the allocation decrease (loss); and also the mind piece or pieces that had the consequent allocation increase (gain). Regarding the number of awareness-particle input channels involved in this reallocation, the total allocation increase equals the total allocation decrease.
The word reallocations is referring to only the gain side of the allocation ledger: the mind piece or pieces that had an allocation increase (gain). This allocation increase is a consequence of an earlier allocation decrease (loss) by one or more other mind pieces.
The intended meaning for each instance should be clear from the context or larger context. Or, if it is not clear, assume whichever meaning is most reasonable for that context.
 I’m like most people in that I lost my ability to easily learn a new spoken language as I grew older (the Spanish courses I had in high-school, and the four semesters of German I had in college, were both a complete waste of time as I quickly forgot what I had learned, and I never could say that rolling-r sound that Spanish has, nor pronounce German too well; I was already too old). However, given the explanation that this loss was due to a reallocation of awareness-particle input channels elsewhere, away from the mind part involved in learning new spoken languages, this implies that the unconscious mind still has the capability to support easy learning of a new spoken language, since there is no reason to presume any changes in the underlying programming and algorithms that were involved when one was young and able to easily learn a new spoken language.
Presumably, if my awareness-particle input channels were reallocated so that the mind part involved in learning new spoken languages had the same allocations it had when I was a child, then my ability to easily learn a new spoken language would return. Well, no such allocation changes have happened, and no such allocation changes are expected, at least not before my next rebirth. However, in late 2004 I got an unexpected personal demonstration that my unconscious mind can still do what is needed for the easy learning of a new spoken language, at least for that part of learning a new spoken language for which I still had an abundant allocation of awareness-particle input channels, which in my case was simply my hearing. In anticipation that I would probably want to discuss this personal experience in the next edition of this book, I wrote a detailed account of my experience about a week after it happened (the written account is dated November 16, 2004, which means I wrote it on my 49th birthday). Here it is (edited for improved readability and clarity):
In early July 2004 I got a broadband internet connection. Soon afterwards I tried file-sharing for the first time, and I soon discovered a huge world of Japanese anime that I could download and watch. I have long been a fan of Japanese anime, but my only experience with it up until that point had been some series and movies that I had seen on TV, and they had all been translated and dubbed into English.
Initially, I just downloaded Japanese anime that had been dubbed into English, because that is what I was already used to, and English is the only language I know, but soon I was downloading and watching fansubbed anime (the original unedited Japanese-language version, with English subtitles added by anime fans, hence the word fansubbed).
Watching fansubbed anime was my first exposure to the spoken form of the Japanese language. Initially, spoken Japanese sounded musical and beautiful to me, but that impression soon wore off after watching a few episodes and hearing roughly an hour total of spoken Japanese. Also, spoken Japanese all ran together: when a character was speaking, I only heard a continuous stream of sound with no word breaks; the only noticeable breaks happened when the speaker briefly stopped speaking, at what I guess was an occasional phrase or sentence break (people often pause when speaking, if for no other reason than to catch their breath so they can resume speaking).
This condition of hearing spoken Japanese as a continuous stream persisted and I got used to it. But in early November 2004, after having watched in total what I later estimated to be somewhere between 30 and 40 hours of fansubbed anime, while in the middle of watching an episode, I suddenly got quite a surprise when all of a sudden I went from hearing spoken Japanese as continuous, to hearing spoken Japanese as having what I presume were word breaks (at least, that is where my unconscious mind thought the word breaks were), as if a switch had suddenly been turned on.
At the time, I recognized the significance and underlying reason for this event, because just about a week earlier during my daily web-browsing habit, which includes checking Slashdot, I had seen How Infants Crack the Speech Code, which referred to Early Language Acquisition: Cracking The Speech Code, which says:
Infants learn language with remarkable speed … New data show that infants use computational strategies to detect the statistical and prosodic patterns in language input, and that this leads to the discovery of phonemes and words. …
Each language uses a unique set of about 40 phonemes, and infants must learn to partition varied speech sounds into these phonemic categories. …
There is evidence that infants analyse the statistical distributions of sounds that they hear in ambient language, and use this information to form phonemic categories. They also learn phonotactic rules — language-specific rules that govern the sequences of phonemes that can be used to compose words.
To identify word boundaries, infants can use both transitional probabilities between syllables, and prosodic cues, which relate to linguistic stress. Most languages are dominated by either trochaic words (with the stress on the first syllable) or iambic ones (with the stress on later syllables). Infants seem to use a combination of statistical and prosodic cues to segment words in speech.
Ever since that moment when I started hearing what I assume were word breaks in spoken Japanese, I have no conscious control over this process, and I cannot turn it off, just like I cannot control or stop the word breaks that I hear in spoken English. This is like so much of the mental processing that takes place in our unconscious minds, in that we have no conscious control over it. Instead, we just get the final product of all that mental processing, sent to the awareness in a form that causes the perceptions that we experience.
At the time I am writing this footnote, in late March 2005, which is about 4½ months after I began hearing spoken Japanese with word breaks, I am still watching Japanese fansubbed anime (I watch roughly 1 to 1½ hours a night, when I eat my dinner), and nothing has changed in how I hear spoken Japanese, other than that I quickly got used to hearing it with word breaks, although I guess my unconscious mind is now doing a better job of deciding where the word breaks are, since I have heard many more hours of spoken Japanese in these last few months (it wouldn’t surprise me if my unconscious mind is still making mistakes, but I wouldn’t know since I only consciously recognize and know the meaning of maybe half-a-dozen spoken Japanese words; my tiny Japanese vocabulary was learned by matching the English subtitle with the heard Japanese word).
 Regarding my entry into middle age, the decline in how many hours of mental work I could do per week certainly had a cause, but I do not see this cause as involving or requiring allocation changes.
 Regarding the cause of aging, there are many reasons to believe that aging is programmed, including the following:
programmed cell death (aka apoptosis)
Within multicellular organisms, it is commonplace for cells to die deliberately. For an organism during its development, apoptosis is used in different places at different times to remove and/or sculpt tissue into the wanted final form. An oft given example is the apoptosis of tissue between the wanted digits of what will become a terminal appendage such as a paw or hand. At times other than early development, such as for an adult organism, apoptosis is ongoing as an offset to ongoing cell division which adds new cells. The idea is to keep the total number of cells of the given type constant. In healthy adult humans, high rates of ongoing cell division and offsetting apoptosis happen in a number of different places, including the blood and its associated bone marrow, the skin, and the intestinal lining.
This is a very rare condition, described as follows by The Progeria Research Foundation:
Although they are born looking healthy, children with Progeria begin to display many characteristics of accelerated aging at around 18-24 months of age. Progeria signs include growth failure, loss of body fat and hair, aged-looking skin, stiffness of joints, hip dislocation, generalized atherosclerosis, cardiovascular (heart) disease and stroke. The children have a remarkably similar appearance, despite differing ethnic background. Children with Progeria die of atherosclerosis (heart disease) at an average age of thirteen years (with a range of about 8 - 21 years). [What is Progeria?. At: http://www.progeriaresearch.org/what_is_progeria.shtml]
the appearance of a consistent aging plan for the species, instead of the appearance of random breakdowns and failures
The only real alternative to saying that aging is programmed is to say that aging is the result of an ongoing accumulation of random breakdowns and failures in the organism’s various systems (these systems are composed of cells). The causes of these random breakdowns and failures would be whatever physical causes one wants to imagine for them, such as imagining the buildup over time of poisonous molecules in the cells, or imagining random errors in such things as DNA transcription, resulting in defective proteins being made.
If aging were the result of an ongoing accumulation of random breakdowns and failures within cells, then one would expect to see randomness regarding which systems are affected, how they are affected, and when they are affected, when looking at a large population of a given species, such as the human species. However, as I know from my own aging experience so far, the physical changes I have experienced were just those very specific physical changes that are described in the medical literature as typical for a man of my age.
For those who are familiar with the large number and variety of different physical systems in the body, if aging were caused or mostly caused by an ongoing accumulation of random breakdowns and failures in the organism’s cells, then one would expect to see much more randomness as to which systems are affected, how they are affected, and the ages at which they are affected. But this is not the case. Instead, one sees an aging plan for the species that targets specific systems for specific kinds of degradation at specific ages as one grows older.
The suddenness of many aging effects is another thing that seems inconsistent with the idea that aging effects are the result of an ongoing accumulation of random breakdowns and failures in cells. My own experience with certain physical aging effects, including the decrease in how much my bladder can empty, the decrease in my ejaculate volume, and the appearance of age lines on my face, is that for each of these aging effects, when that aging effect happened, it happened over a very short time frame of at most a few days, and then that specific degradation remained unchanged for many years afterwards, neither lessening nor worsening.
Given that aging is programmed, and given bions, our aging plan is obviously carried out by our bions. Regarding the form and residence of our aging plan, our aging plan may be in our DNA, encoded somewhere in the so-called “junk” DNA whose language is presently unknown (section 2.6). Or, if not encoded in our DNA, then our aging plan only exists in the memory of our bions and/or the bions of other members of our species.
The aging plan for our species has presumably evolved over the life of our species into its current form, with variants depending on gender, race, nationality, and individual factors. When our species began, it probably copied much or all of its original aging plan from one or more other animal species that preceded it.
Regarding the reason for aging, the reason must ultimately trace to our finite nature, including the finite memory storage and finite processing speed of each computing element. The idea of living forever in some constant form is inconsistent with finite memory. The end result of our finite nature is the life cycle that we and other intelligent-particle beings experience. The life cycle both begins and ends in rebirth. The time of rebirth is a time of renewal, when among other things there is a system-wide reset that clears out at least most of the old memories, making room for new memories in the new life.
This basic pattern of a life cycle that begins and ends in rebirth, has probably evolved early in the history of intelligent-particle beings in our galaxy, with parallel evolution of this same basic pattern everywhere in our galaxy where intelligent-particle beings have separately evolved. The finite nature of intelligent-particle beings is independent of whether or not there is any physical embodiment at any stage in their life cycle. Indeed, physical embodiment like what we see on our own planet is probably a rarity and late development in what is already an old galaxy.
Given that we and the other physically embodied intelligent-particle beings on Earth—including all animals that have a soliton—follow a life cycle that begins and ends in rebirth, it appears that each species’ aging plan has evolved as the preferred transition method by that species when moving from the physically embodied state to the physically disembodied state, assuming the transition is not forced by some other means such as accident, illness, or predation.
 Back when I lost my interest in listening to music, I was reminded of the commonplace stereotype of old people who only listen to music that they heard when they were young. I soon found myself in the same situation. After I lost my interest in listening to music, I rarely listened to music, but when I did listen to music, I wanted to listen to music that I heard and liked when I was young, in my teens or 20s.
Since my loss, I don’t feel any pleasure when I listen to the music from my youth, so why do I have that preference? Well, I no longer feel any pleasure from listening to any music, but I used to have that pleasure, so one reason for my preference is that I am returning to what used to give me pleasure, even though it no longer gives me pleasure. The other reason, and this reason is often mentioned by old people, is that it brings back memories of their youth. In my own case, when I listen to music that I liked when I was young, I tend to recall and think about my life from those times.
Even though I no longer feel any pleasure from listening to music, I can still listen to new music and judge whether it is good or bad. For example, about ten days before writing this footnote—I am writing this footnote in early April 2005—I got an email from someone who sent me some links to some music he had created. In his email he said he was a musician and he wanted to give me some of his music in exchange for my writings which he liked. Well, since he put it like that, I kinda felt like I should listen to his music even though I didn’t want to. So, I listened once to each of the four pieces of music he had given me links to.
Those four pieces of music were a kind of music I hadn’t heard before. He had described it as “acid techno and industrial”. Three of the pieces sounded good to me (surprisingly good), and one piece sounded bad, and I knew what I didn’t like about that bad piece. But after fulfilling my self-imposed obligation, I had no desire to listen again to any of his music, since listening to music no longer gives me any pleasure.
Given my own experience, and also given the need for dedicated allocations to avoid channel-sharing conflicts (section 9.6), it follows that the allocation of awareness-particle input channels for carrying music-listening pleasure is separate from whatever allocations are involved in carrying a rational judgment and critique of that music. However, presumably the same mind part is the dominant source for both the explicit rational judgment and the implicit judgment of felt pleasure, so that they always coincide and agree. In the felt-pleasure case, that mind part sends that feeling directly to the awareness, but in the rational judgment and critique case, that mind part is just an input to some other mind part that constructs the rational judgment and critique and sends it to the awareness.
 Given the gender basis of the three races (section 9.2), and given the strong association that the african race has with music, it seems likely that the african race has the biggest allocation of awareness-particle input channels for carrying the music-listening pleasure feeling, the oriental race has the smallest allocation, and the caucasian race is inbetween. This also agrees with my own observation that men on average are more into music than women. Presumably, men are more into music because they are getting a bigger reward from music, feeling more pleasure when listening to whatever their minds judge as good music. Note that the pleasure one feels from listening to music is also a motivator for creating new music. Thus, africans on average are more motivated to create new music than the other two races, and men on average are more motivated to create new music than women.
 Around the beginning of 2005 at age 49, I lost my previous ability to intensely concentrate. At the time, this change went largely unnoticed by me, because its primary effect was that I was simply no longer concentrating like I used to when I did my work. At the time it just seemed to me like I didn’t want to concentrate any more. Thus, for most of 2005 I didn’t see the change as an actual loss, although it was, because, as I write this footnote in June 2006, about 1½ years have passed, and the state of intense concentration that prior to 2005 I used to enter easily when doing certain intellectual tasks—including such things as my programming work and in general whenever I wanted to think deeply about something—is now just a memory for me, because I can no longer concentrate like that, and I haven’t done so for the last 1½ years. Just to be clear, I can still concentrate, but just not intensely like I used to.
I guess my current ability to concentrate is about average for a man of my nationality, whereas before 2005 it was well above average, because I’ve known for a long time that most people couldn’t concentrate like I could. Prior to 2005 it was routine for me to concentrate so intensely that I had to take precautions so that I wouldn’t be disturbed while in that state, because if I were disturbed by such things as a phone ringing or someone unexpectedly talking to me, I would have what I called the startle reaction where I would kinda jump with shock as my intense concentration was broken.
Apparently, the ability to concentrate requires an allocation of awareness-particle input channels. In my own case, around the beginning of 2005 I lost much of my previous allocation for concentration. This allocation loss was apparently reallocated elsewhere in a way that greatly lessened a memory deficit I had: my memory deficit was a very below-average ability to remember text sequences. In June 2005 I noticed the memory improvements enough to write about them. Here are the notes I wrote on June 5, 2005 (edited for improved readability and clarity):
This morning, prior to getting out of bed, I was recalling some sentences from my book [I mean this book, for which I had just finished work on the 10th edition about a month previous], and I knew I was recalling those sentences verbatim. It soon occurred to me that this was something new for me, because in the past I could never recall anything from my own writings verbatim unless it was a very short phrase of at most a few words.
As I thought about it, while still lying in bed prior to getting up, I tried to remember how long this had been going on, and I thought I was also recalling sentences verbatim prior to today, but I’m not sure. Regardless, this morning is the first time I noticed this verbatim recall of more than a few words. As I sit here writing this now, it occurred to me to do a simple test of my memory, so I picked up a sheet of technical documentation that I last read a few months ago, and I selected and silently read once to myself, at my normal reading speed, a sentence I chose at random from the middle of that page. I put the page down and then tried to recall that sentence I had just read, and I was surprised to see that I was able to recall what I thought was the entire sentence. I immediately checked my recall by rereading that sentence (the sentence is 20 words long). I had made a few mistakes, but even so, this level of recall is definitely new for me, because I could never do anywhere close to this good in the past.
Up until now, prior to this improvement in my recall ability, I used to tell others that I could never recall anything verbatim, which was true. This inability to recall verbatim included my own writings and all other writings, and also anything spoken or said by myself or others. So, up until now I always had to paraphrase when I remembered something I had read or heard, because I could never recall anything verbatim no matter how little time had passed, even if only seconds had passed since reading or hearing it and then trying to recall it verbatim. I think my previous verbatim recall ability was far below average, but now it seems I got a reallocation from somewhere (I don’t know where), and my verbatim recall ability is now closer to being average. Actually, it just occurred to me that I did notice once or twice while I was doing that three-week [programming] job, which I finished two days ago, that my memory seemed better, but I didn’t think any more about it at that time, perhaps because I was very focused on doing that job. So, this improved recall looks very real, but I have no idea where the reallocation came from. What mind part lost the allocation that my recall mind part [more specifically, the mind part responsible for recalling a sequence of symbols] ended up getting? Well, whatever. But I’m glad to have this improved recall, because I always knew I was weak there.
The above notes talk specifically about a substantial improvement in my ability to remember word sequences, but my recall improvement is for any sequence of symbols, including sequences of letters and digits. For example, before this recall improvement, I was unable to read a several-digit number and remember that number long enough to type it into the computer a few seconds later (even a two-digit number was a problem for me). Thus, I was in the habit of always reading the number and typing it in at the same time, digit by digit, and then I would double or triple check that the number I typed in and see on the screen matches the number on the printed page. Now, after my recall improvement that happened no later than May 2005, the situation is very different, as I can now read an arbitrary sequence of characters up to about six or seven characters in length, and still correctly remember that sequence several seconds later, giving me more than enough time to type it into the computer without having to look back at the printed page from which I read that sequence.
In late 2005 I finally realized that the offsetting loss for my memory gain was my concentration. Here are the notes I wrote on November 9, 2005 (edited for improved readability and clarity):
Around the end of September 2005, more than a month ago, it finally occurred to me that the counterbalancing loss for my memory gain was my concentration.
I remember that in late 2004 I was growing reluctant to desk-check my programming. [My habit was that I always concentrated intensely when I desk-checked my program code. As a rule, this allowed me to find any and all errors in that program code.] If I recall correctly, I stopped doing desk-checking in very-early 2005, but I’m not too sure about exactly when.
More tellingly, as far as I can remember, I haven’t had the startle reaction at all in 2005, and it’s certain that I can no longer enter the state of concentration that I used to enter on a routine basis when I did my work. I can’t recall when I last entered that state of concentration, other than that I was still doing it in late 2004.
In early 2005 when I got the new phone—[actually, it was the same old phone, but with a new phone number and an internet connection]—I left the ringer on and was no longer startled by it when it rang unexpectedly. [Prior to 2005 I always had the ringer on that phone turned off, forcing whoever was calling me to leave a message, because, if my phone were to ring when I was concentrating, I would have the startle reaction, which is something I wanted to avoid having, since it was always a big shock for me.]
Also, in early 2005 I noticed that my movements when fixing my dinner had become faster but less careful and deliberate. In the past I moved more slowly and deliberately. I guess my previous higher concentration level meant more was under my conscious control, hence I was more slow then.
This faster but less careful and deliberate way of fixing my food is paralleled with how my programming work has become faster but less careful and deliberate. The thought of having errors in my programming code [aka bugs] no longer seems as important to me as it used to be, and I certainly no longer carefully desk-check like I used to.
Besides preparing my dinner faster and with less care than I used to, another similar speedup that I noticed in the first half of 2005—I no longer remember exactly when I first noticed it—was that I was typing on my computer keyboard substantially faster and less carefully than I used to. In the past, prior to 2005, I was a slow hunt-and-peck typist, and I almost never made a typo. However, ever since this typing speedup began, I’ve been typing substantially faster than my pre-2005 typing speed, and I often make typos which I quickly correct. Note that this typing speedup happened without my consciously wanting it to happen. I wasn’t trying to type faster. Instead, it just happened.
I think the reason that the loss of my previous ability to intensely concentrate also resulted in my faster and less careful body movements when fixing my dinner and also when typing, is that the decreased allocation to my concentration mind part meant not only a decrease in my maximum concentration level, but also a decrease in my average concentration level for when I do such ordinary tasks as fixing my dinner or typing at the keyboard. Thus, after the allocation decrease that happened around the beginning of 2005, my concentration level while doing a given task is on average lower than what it was before 2005.
Regarding why having a bigger allocation for symbol-sequence recall resulted in my being able to remember symbol sequences longer, I think the reason is the commonplace observation that memories, especially short-term memories, tend to weaken and fade with time. This weakening and fading away of memories as they age is what the awareness perceives, but this weakening and fading away is probably only a simulated effect, because the actual data on which the recalled memory is based, is stored somewhere in one or more of the intelligent particles that compose one’s mind, and this stored data will presumably retain perfect fidelity until it is eventually overwritten or erased, at which point it is truly lost and can no longer be the basis for a consciously recalled memory. Regarding how this time-based weakening and fading away of consciously recalled memory is done, probably the mind part sending the recalled memory to the awareness gives that sent memory an intensity proportional to its age. More specifically, given the total allocation of awareness-particle input channels for that mind part, the fraction of that total allocation used to send a recalled memory to the awareness is proportional to the age of that memory: The more recent the memory, the larger the fraction; the older the memory, the smaller the fraction.
In my own case, before the allocation increase that happened to me in 2005, my symbol-sequence recall mind part had an allocation of awareness-particle input channels that was small compared to the average for a man of my nationality. With my small allocation, the fraction of that small allocation used for sending to my awareness a several-seconds-old memory of a sequence of just a few characters, resulted in an awareness-perceived memory that was already too weak for me to know with any certainty its content (in other words, I couldn’t remember it). Presumably, the underlying algorithm first determines the fraction f for a given symbol-sequence memory based mostly on its age, and then simply multiplies f by that mind part’s total allocation to get the number of awareness-particle input channels used to carry to the awareness that symbol-sequence memory. Since my total allocation for that mind part was substantially increased in 2005, I can recall a given symbol-sequence memory for a longer time than was the case before that allocation increase.
Besides the symbol-sequence recall mind part, there are other recall mind parts that presumably have their own allocations of awareness-particle input channels. This is consistent with how some people are strong in certain kinds of memory and weak in others. For example, in my own case I was weak in symbol-sequence recall, but at the same time my visual recall was good (I believe my visual recall was, and still is, at least average, and maybe a little better than average).
 In the course of 2004 my interest in playing first-person-shooter computer games disappeared, even though my ability to successfully play thru them remained intact. I simply lost interest. I attribute this loss of interest to my ambition decline that happened earlier that year.
 After the large decline in my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent reallocation, besides the big change in my sense of smell, there were also a few smaller changes for me. In summary, as I reflect upon those smaller changes, it seems that I’ve gotten allocations for a few things that on average are more heavily allocated to women than men.
Most noticeable for me was a new feeling: happiness. My first recollection of when I was feeling happy was back in mid-2004 when I was in a supermarket having this feeling, and it suddenly occurred to me that I was feeling happy. And I was kinda shocked by it, because up until that time I only knew that happiness was a feeling that makes girls bounce around and be cheery with their happiness. That was the extent of my understanding of what happiness was, until I felt it for myself in that supermarket. Many times since then, I have found myself feeling happy at different times, with no apparent cause. This happiness feeling is just a mild feeling for me, but it’s nice when it happens.
It doesn’t look like I got a happiness allocation big enough to make me bounce around and be cheery, at least not to the extent I’ve seen girls do it, but the allocation I got was enough so that I can see from my own experience what the happiness feeling is like, and I can easily imagine that if this feeling were substantially intensified I would be bouncing around all cheery too. Happiness is a nice feeling. For me, most of its appearances have been when I was either acquiring food (in the supermarket) or preparing food (in the kitchen). Also, I have heard statements by women that they often felt happy during their pregnancy, and I have seen women acting happy when they are with their small children. So, it looks like the happiness feeling is given as a reward for actions that are either life-sustaining, such as acquiring and preparing food, or life-perpetuating, such as having and caring for a child. So, it is easy to see why the happiness feeling on average is more heavily allocated to women than men, because, by virtue of their giving birth and being mother, women are more directly involved with life-perpetuating actions than men are. And, regarding life-sustaining actions, women on average are more involved with food acquisition and preparation than men are, and women can also breast-feed after giving birth.
 Another reallocation-caused change that I am sure of, after the large decline in my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent reallocation, is that I now find myself easily moved to feeling emotional and shedding tears when exposed to certain recalled memories and certain scenes in romance stories. My first conscious realization regarding this change was during a conversation I had in mid-February 2005 when I was telling a personal story that I had recalled and told before in past years without feeling anything, but during this telling I felt myself becoming very emotional and I felt like I was going to cry. After that conversation, as I thought about what had just happened to me, I suspected that an allocation change was responsible, although there was already earlier evidence for this allocation change but I just didn’t see it until shortly before writing this footnote in late April 2005, after all the thinking I did in an effort to better understand how I had changed, so that I could write this footnote.
I mention in another footnote that I began watching downloaded Japanese anime in mid-2004. Prior to the latter half of 2004 I never had any interest in romance stories or shows, and I never watched them. The few romance scenes that I had seen in movies or on TV before that time had never emotionally moved me. Also, from my early teens until the latter half of 2004, I had only cried or felt like crying a few times in my life, and I had never cried or felt like crying for any recalled personal memory or for any scene in a movie or TV show. Well, anyway, without even realizing it, during the latter half of 2004 I was interested in romance stories and I downloaded and watched several anime romance series, and I got emotional at times and shed a few tears while watching them. At that time, I just thought how great this Japanese anime was, and I didn’t make the connection that my having any interest in romance stories was something new to me.
Less than a week before writing this footnote, I downloaded and watched a subtitled non-anime Japanese romance series, and I got teary and emotional at a number of different points in that series. However, I did pay attention to the actual feeling, because I knew I would be writing this footnote. As far as I know, there is no English word for the feeling that goes along with the tears, which is why I’ve been using the word emotional in this footnote when I mean this feeling. Henceforth, I’ll use the phrase crying feeling when I mean this feeling.
My own experience with the crying feeling is that it seems to be a neutral feeling that is neither painful nor pleasant. The lack of an English word for the crying feeling is probably due to the feeling’s close association with being teary. In effect, given this close association, there is less need for a separate word for the crying feeling, because the crying feeling is implicit depending on the context when one uses words for being teary. For example, saying “that story made me cry,” implies that one felt the crying feeling when crying. Saying “I felt like crying,” implies that one felt the crying feeling even though one didn’t cry.
In terms of allocation changes, apparently I got a substantial allocation increase for whatever mind part is involved with causing crying and its associated crying feeling. I guess my newfound interest in romance stories also traces to this mind part, at least partially so.
 Although I don’t really know what may be typical in terms of specific reallocations during the afterlife, I can think of two possibilities that might be worth mentioning. The first possibility involves music-listening pleasure. Perhaps the reallocations include an allocation for music-listening pleasure, big enough to make listening to good music very pleasurable. Many lucid-dream projectionists have had incidents of hearing fantastic sounding music, and their experiences are a likely source for religious ideas of celestial music and angels singing. In each incident, either the heard music was a construction of the lucid-dream projectionist’s own unconscious mind, or the heard music was originally constructed by one or more other minds and then telepathically copied to the mind of the lucid-dream projectionist who hears and remembers it. In the afterlife, after the reallocations, and assuming a substantial allocation for music-listening pleasure, one is probably a member of a community, many of whom at different times are actively consciously composing in their minds instrumental music or other kinds of music and/or songs, and then sharing their creations with the rest of the community. In such a community, perhaps much of the day is spent listening to music.
The second possibility involves the conscience. What if the reallocations include an allocation for the conscience, big enough to give a strong conscience. The end result could be the popular religious idea of judgment in the afterlife. However, instead of this afterlife judgment being carried out by some imaginary God or gatekeeper angel, the afterlife judgment is carried out by one’s own unconscious mind, specifically by the conscience mind part.
In my own case, I already have a strong conscience, and I learned early in life the kinds of actions I had to avoid so as to not be hounded by my conscience, which would hound me by having me often recall the specific infraction and feel bad about it. Note that the conscience only makes itself known after the fact, in the sense that the conscience only strikes after the action is done (the conscience is only concerned with actions involving others, including what is said to others; the conscience is not concerned with thoughts). Thus, when someone says that their conscience won’t let them do something, they mean that they expect to be hounded by their conscience if they were to do that action, so they are not going to do it.
Because I have a strong conscience, I never had any need to adopt an ethics code constructed by others, since my conscience is my ethics code. But what if my original allocation plan had been different, giving me little or no allocation for the conscience mind part, then perhaps at some point in my life I would have adopted a specific ethics code, and followed it. I have an analogy from my own experience:
I have never felt fear or terror in my life, nor have I ever been scared or afraid, so apparently I have a zero allocation for the fear mind part. Although I have never felt fear myself, I accept that fear is a real feeling that many people—perhaps most people—have experienced. This acceptance is based on the abundance of written and spoken material in this society that talks about fear as if it were a real feeling, and also based on conversations I’ve had with people who claim to have felt fear, been scared, been terrified, and such. (Based on what I’ve been told, English has different words that all refer to the same fear feeling, including the words fright, scared, and terror. For example, I was told that being terrified means feeling fear more intensely than usual.) One of these conversations was in the Fall of 2004, and the person I was talking with repeatedly made the point that fear has a protective purpose. In reply I said “obviously”, but he kept hammering the point that fear has the purpose of protecting the person from possible harm.
So, after that conversation, later that night, I had a sudden insight about the reason for a decades-long habit I had: Since at least my mid-20s I have had the habit of running thru my mind worst-case scenarios as the possible outcome for whatever possible action I was considering, and I then decided on that possible action based on my estimation of how probable a worst-case outcome was. The insight was that I was compensating for my lack of fear. I was doing by conscious rational means what a person who feels fear does by simply feeling fear (the fear mind part probably uses the same basic algorithm that I was consciously using). Thus, I had developed an alternative protective mechanism for myself, because I still had to be protected, since the physical body has many needs—water, food, clothing, shelter—and is structurally weak and easily damaged. Similarly, a person who has no conscience or only a weak conscience should probably adopt an ethics code and try to follow it, to compensate for his lack of a conscience.
Regarding what should be in an ethics code, certainly the golden rule, which implies reciprocity and fair dealing, should be in any ethics code. Also, the golden rule should extend downward to include animals and other creatures, including non-harmful insects (my conscience has hounded me in the past for willfully killing insects, including spiders, so I am careful to avoid hurting these creatures, but my conscience has never bothered me about killing mosquitoes which I actively hunt and try to kill whenever I hear one buzzing about).
Unfortunately, various forms of imperialism, including the monotheist religious imperialisms, push an ethics code that includes anti-sex dictates. I have written in a few of my other writings as to the real reason for imperialism’s anti-sex policies, which have nothing to do with what is right, and a lot to do with suppressing nationalism at its root. My conscience has never hounded me for any sexual actions, although I guess my conscience would hound me if I were to force non-consensual sex on someone, since that would violate the golden rule. If everything is consensual, there is no violation of the golden rule.
Regarding the idea that fear has a purpose, after thinking about it I reached the conclusion that all the various feelings, including good and bad feelings, have purpose, and their purpose is that these various feelings are a primary means by which the unconscious mind influences the soliton without forcing the soliton’s decisions. The soliton is still the ruler, but similar to the situation in a human government, the ruler is subjected to various influences coming from lower levels in that government. Also, the soliton may sometimes get conflicting feelings coming from different mind parts, which is similar to a human government where the ruler may sometimes be subjected to conflicting influences coming from different departments. Note that none of the feelings we experience are generated by the soliton. Instead, all feelings are generated by the unconscious mind and sent to the soliton where they are felt.
 As mentioned in the previous footnote, I have never felt fear in my life, or, if I have felt fear, it was when I was so young that I no longer consciously remember it (perhaps I had an allocation for fear during my childhood that was reallocated elsewhere as I grew older, but I have no conscious memories to support this possibility). Besides having never felt fear, I have also never felt loneliness nor sadness.
Until recently I didn’t even know if loneliness and sadness were real feelings or not. I had never really thought much about it, and hadn’t done any research. However, because of the new happiness feeling and enhanced crying feeling that were two of the consequences of the reallocations that followed the large decline in my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ in 2004, I had a lot of interest during the following year (2005) in the whole subject of feelings, and among other things I wanted to know about loneliness and sadness.
To get answers to these questions, I turned to my then 21-year-old niece, Melanie, who I knew was very feminine and had strong feelings. My niece lives in a different state, so I had to call her on the phone. The first thing I wanted to know about was loneliness, because that feeling is mentioned more in American society than sadness, so I reasoned that it was more likely to be real. I called her July 2nd, 2005, asking specifically about loneliness. Here are the notes I wrote two days later on July 4th (edited for improved readability and clarity):
I talked with Melanie and asked her about the loneliness feeling. In answer to my questioning, what she said can be summarized as follows: She said it’s a real feeling, and it has the same kind of intensity range as other feelings (one can feel a little lonely, more lonely, or very lonely). She also said it’s closest to the depression feeling in how it feels, but it’s still a separate and distinct feeling. She has often felt lonely at the same time as feeling depressed, but she has at other times felt lonely without feeling depressed, and at still other times felt depressed without feeling lonely.
Note: She mentioned that she had often been depressed for the last five years. She recently turned 21, so this means her depression started around age 16. This roughly agrees with my own recollection of when I first started hearing about Melanie being depressed.
During the talk, she said that the loneliness feeling was often felt as being lonely for finding the right guy, but sometimes she felt lonely in a non-specific way. Given how she described it, I got the impression that the loneliness feeling as she experienced it, was more often than not, and more intensely so, focused on finding and being with the right guy.
A few hours after I talked with her, the cause of her depression occurred to me: her unconscious mind wanted her to be mated by age 16, and was using negative feelings—the depression feeling and the loneliness feeling—as motivators. The obvious problem for her is that she is living in a crap society (America), which forces an extended childhood on people, and treats sex by teens as a crime.
So, my talk with Melanie was very productive, because not only did I get detailed information about the loneliness feeling, but I also got an explanation for the chronic depression that afflicts many teenaged girls in America. For those who don’t know, in Europe up until a few centuries ago, it was commonplace for girls to marry in their early or mid teens (men typically married at a later age). The transformation of society by such things as industrialization, the imposition of forced schooling in the 19th century, and the anti-national policies of imperialism which include hostility to sex and family, have created an environment that is actively hostile to early-teen and mid-teen marriages for women. Apparently, it is easier to change society than it is to change the unconscious mind, with the end result that a lot of young women suffer like Melanie did.
There must be people who have a zero allocation for the depression feeling, but I’m not one of them. Instead, I apparently have a small allocation for the depression feeling, because I’ve been depressed three times in my life for a total of about five hours of feeling depressed: two different romantic disappointments when I was young, each resulting in a period of depression that lasted about two hours, and one time in my early 40s (actually, the day before my 41st birthday) when I realized that I had been successfully lied to by this American society regarding certain historical matters (I’ve written about this elsewhere as follows: “As this realization hit me, I felt very small and weak, and was depressed for about an hour.”). Insofar as I remember what depression feels like (I am 50 years old as I write this footnote in January 2006), it’s an oppressive, negative feeling, and I was really lethargic while having that depression feeling (I just sat in my chair and didn’t want to move).
On July 29th, 2005, I called Melanie again, as a followup to our July 2nd, 2005, conversation about loneliness. Here are the notes I wrote September 6th, 2005, about that July 29th followup call (edited for improved readability and clarity):
Supplement for the July 4, 2005 notes about Melanie and the loneliness feeling, and my explanation for her depression:
I knew I was going to tell her about my explanation for her depression by reading her my July 4, 2005 notes, but before doing that, without giving her any clue as to why I was asking, I wanted to put my depression explanation to an immediate test, because I had already learned from previous conversations with her, that she had met a man earlier in the year, and she had an active and ongoing relationship with him, and her feelings for him were very strong. So, knowing all this, and knowing that I had what I believed was the correct explanation for her roughly five years of depression, and knowing that she didn’t sound depressed during our recent phone conversations, I expected to hear that her depression disappeared coincident with that recent entry of Mr. Right (the right man for her) into her life.
So, I asked her was she still depressed. She said “No”. I then asked her when the depression stopped, and her answer was exactly what I was expecting to hear: she lost her depression at the same time as Mr. Right entered her life. Thus, her answers agreed with my explanation as to the cause of her previous chronic depression. After this questioning of her and hearing her answers, I then read her my July 4, 2005 notes, and she said my notes were very accurate regarding what she said about loneliness and her experience with it, but she disagreed with my explanation of the cause of her previous chronic depression. Her disagreement is what I expected, since she had already been brainwashed by American society to believe the bogus “chemical imbalance” explanation for depression. During the years she was depressed she had been to different psychiatrists, and she had been taking the various “anti-depressant” pills they prescribed, but her depression—although dulled by the pills along with the rest of her mind—remained. But with the entry of Mr. Right into her life her depression disappeared.
This footnote is already big enough, so my talk with Melanie about sadness is in the next footnote.
 Continuing from the previous footnote, on October 30th, 2005, I called Melanie asking about the sadness feeling. The following are the notes that I wrote during that conversation (edited for improved readability and clarity):
According to Melanie, sadness is a real feeling that is separate from the other feelings, including the loneliness feeling, the fear feeling, and the depression feeling. Sadness has the usual intensity range for a feeling. However, in her experience, sadness is a less intense feeling than loneliness, fear, and depression. [Apparently, Melanie has a smaller allocation for the sadness feeling than she has for the loneliness feeling, the fear feeling, and the depression feeling, which is why she hasn’t felt sadness as intensely as she has felt loneliness, fear, and depression.]
From her own experience, triggering causes for the sadness feeling include the following:
A sudden loss of a possession (for example, a few days ago a pair of earrings she had just bought were stolen from her after she had put the bag down in a different store). Also, just losing things in general that she can’t find, but that’s less sad since it’s not compounded with betrayal by a stranger.
Betrayal by a friend (for example, when Melanie found out that one of her friends had lied to her and was talking about her behind her back). Also, she felt sad when a friend was mean to her. She has also felt sad when remembering these things.
Getting a bad grade in school on a test she tried hard on. She can also feel sad even if she didn’t try hard.
When she got out of the hospital and she was a lot heavier than when she went in, the conscious realization that she was substantially overweight made her feel sad.
A car accident she had. She was sad when it happened, and afterwards when she thought about it.
An embarrassment or embarrassing situation, such as being made fun of, can bring about sadness.
Having a minor physical injury, including when she was bit by a dog, and when she fell off her bike, and when she got a scissors stuck in her foot requiring stitches.
She kissed a male friend, and she helped him out, but he didn’t call, and she felt sad as a result. Her feelings were hurt.
She felt really sad when her rabbit died, and less sad when her hamster died. She also felt sad when her fish died.
She felt very sad when she had bad acne on her face, and when she had to go out in public like that. She felt sad when looking in the mirror, and when she thought about people looking at her.
She has felt sad thinking about how her family doesn’t have much money, and yet she’s spending some of it, so she feels like a weight is on her, and she feels sad about it.
Someone dies that she knows, or something bad happens to someone she knows. For example, when one of her cousins died in a car accident, and also when she heard about her grandmother suffering from pain caused by shingles. It doesn’t have to be a person close to her. For example, she felt sad about 911 (September 11, 2001), the whole thing.
If she breaks something accidentally that has value to her or others, she may feel sad about it, especially if that broken thing meant something to either her or someone else.
She’s sad if it’s really cold outside. She doesn’t like the feeling of being cold, and she can’t enjoy being outside when it’s like that. She feels sad (a light sadness) when she transitions from a warm environment into the painful cold. And if she’s stuck in that cold, she can feel sad at different times while being stuck in that cold.
The above list of triggering causes is given in the original order that I wrote them down. I kept asking Melanie for more and more examples of what caused her to feel sad. These triggering causes are listed in the order that Melanie remembered them and told them to me (I wrote each one down as she was talking). Some of the events mentioned were recent events in her life, and others were years or many years in the past. I basically wanted her to tell me everything she could remember about sadness, and our talk only ended when she couldn’t think of anything else that has caused her to feel sad. Thank you Melanie for your help.
The next footnote discusses feelings in more depth, including sadness and the other emotions.
 There are many different feelings, so it’s helpful to classify them. After thinking about it, here is the classification scheme I’ve come up with:
Body feelings include all those feelings that report the status of the body to the awareness. These feelings include the following:
- pressure on the body’s surface (the sense of touch)
- internal pressure (feeling bloated, feeling tightness from local swelling, feeling full or stuffed from eating too much, etc)
- feeling how the parts of the body are currently positioned relative to each other
- feeling bodily pain, including such miscellaneous things as soreness, cramps, headaches, etc
- temperature (feeling warm or hot, cool or cold, etc)
- water needs (feeling thirsty)
- nourishment needs (feeling hungry, starving, etc)
- excretion needs (feeling the need to urinate or defecate)
- breathing needs (feeling the need to breathe; typically only felt when normal breathing is either hindered or prevented or insufficient)
- sleep needs (feeling tired, feeling sleepy, etc)
- current health (feeling sick, feeling the need to vomit, feeling good, feeling energetic, etc)
- sexual stimulation, typically involving stimulation of the sex organ (I’m including the orgasm feeling here)
If I’ve left anything out, feel free to add to the above list of body feelings.
The following table lists ten emotions. Each of these emotions has its own very specific and unique feeling which can vary in intensity but is always the same feeling in terms of how it feels to the awareness. Each of these emotions is distinct and separate from the other emotions and all other feelings, and each of these emotions, assuming one has a non-zero allocation for it, has its own dedicated non-shared allocation of awareness-particle input channels.
There are probably at least some people who have a non-zero allocation for each of these ten emotions, but that is probably the exception rather than the rule. In my own case (I’m 50 years old as I write this footnote), I have yet to feel four of the ten emotions listed below: fear, joy, loneliness, and sadness. This implies that for my entire life so far, I’ve had a zero allocation for these four emotions (it’s possible that I had a non-zero allocation for one or more of these four emotions during my infancy and early childhood, but I have no conscious memory of those years, so I can’t say).
Assuming one has an adequate allocation to feel it, depression is perhaps the worst feeling to have. Given the conditions under which it appears, and also its potential to be chronic, it seems that the depression feeling is sent to the awareness as a notification or signal that the unconscious mind is frustrated with the current situation. The purpose of the depression feeling is to provoke the awareness to change the current situation, because depression is something that the awareness will want to avoid feeling.
The immobilizing quality of depression makes it harder for the awareness to continue with business as usual. As long as the situation remains unchanged, the depression can remain, becoming chronic.
Changing the situation in a way that ends the depression depends on the situation. In my own life I’ve been depressed three times, including twice because of romantic disappointments, and in each of these two cases, while sitting in my chair immobilized with the depression feeling, I realized things weren’t going to turn out as I wanted and it was time to give up and move on, which is what I did. Thus, I changed the situation by simply giving up, and it worked insofar as my depression ended (in each of these two cases I was depressed for about two hours). Similarly, much later in my life when I was depressed after realizing how this American society had successfully lied to me about a certain historical matter, I accepted that I had been deceived and I resolved to study how I was deceived and learn from that experience (in this case I was depressed for about an hour).
My own experience with the happiness feeling—described in a previous footnote—is that it is a very nice and pleasant feeling. Based on my own experience and the experience of others, happiness is given to the awareness as a reward for actions that are life-sustaining or life-perpetuating. Thus, the purpose of the happiness feeling is to encourage life-sustaining and life-perpetuating actions.
I have heard of people crying from being so happy. In my own case, I have yet to feel a strong or intense happiness, so my current happiness allocation is probably too small for me to ever cry with happiness (my current crying-feeling allocation is probably adequate, but both allocations are needed). However, I did ask my niece, Melanie, about crying from being so happy, and she said that she herself has cried from being so happy. So, as long as one has a big enough allocation for the happiness feeling, and also a sufficient allocation for the crying feeling, it can happen. Hmm … it sounds rather blissful, being so happy.
I’ve already described in a previous footnote a conversation I had with a friend who repeatedly made the point that fear has a protective purpose. Thus, the purpose of the fear feeling is to warn the awareness of potential danger. More specifically, the fear feeling is a signal to the awareness that the unconscious mind judges the object of the fear feeling—whatever one is feeling fearful of—as something that is potentially threatening or endangering in some way to either oneself or others.
In answer to my question of where the fear feeling lies on the pleasure-pain scale, another friend, my brother-in-law (age 60), described it as follows: “unpleasant to extremely painful, depending on the situation.” He also said in answer to further questioning that depending on the situation, he has felt fear for others, including feeling fear for the well-being of people who were neither close nor well-known to him. However, in general, the closer his relationship to a person, the more intensely he can feel fear if that person’s well-being is endangered. Also, most of his experience with the fear feeling has been in situations where he himself felt threatened or endangered in some way, with his own personal safety and well-being at apparent risk.
Regarding fear, on June 20, 2006, I received an interesting email from a 64-year-old man in Texas who described his own experience with fear as follows (quoted with his permission):
Fear has been my most driving force since I can remember (I was a bed-wetter). Fear is probably responsible for most major decisions in my life—I quit smoking because of fear, I quit drinking because of fear, I avoided many risk-prone pleasures because of fear. The absolute most fearful moment in my life was when I first laid eyes on the lady that would become my wife, and she stared me down—I felt a yellow streak run down my back that I had only read about before—sheer utter debilitating FEAR. I have never experienced that level of fear since, but fear, even heavy-duty levels, have always been ready and waiting. I always despised myself for being so afflicted with fear, but, after reading your page on fear [he is referring to the 10th edition of this book, specifically the same above-mentioned previous footnote where I describe the conversation I had with that friend about fear having a protective purpose], I am now rethinking my attitude—maybe I should be thankful for having been born with such a massive dose of fear. My life has been more or less blessed and charmed, somewhat.
My source for information about the joy feeling is my brother-in-law. During a phone conversation on February 22, 2006, I was asking him where the fear feeling lies on the pleasure-pain scale, because after reviewing what I had written so far about emotions in this footnote, I realized I was missing that detail. However, after getting his answer about fear, I then asked him if I was missing anything from my then list of eight emotions which I read to him, and he said I was missing joy.
Initially I was skeptical about this claim of a joy feeling (as far as I know, I haven’t felt joy myself), but after detailed questioning and note taking, I realized a few things: joy is a real feeling that my brother-in-law has felt at different times, and it’s not the same as the happiness feeling. Although he has an allocation for this joy feeling, apparently he has a zero allocation for the happiness feeling, because his idea of the happiness feeling is the same kind of intellectual idea of happiness that I used to have before I got an allocation for the happiness feeling. His idea of happiness is when everything is going well in his life, then he is happy. Fortunately, in sharp contrast to his ignorance about happiness being a real feeling, he has a lot to say about joy being a real feeling.
About the joy feeling, here are my notes which I took during that phone conversation (edited for improved readability and clarity). These notes record my brother-in-law’s answers to my various questions:
Other English words for the joy feeling: elation, thrilled, cloud 9.
Regarding what triggers the joy feeling, he says there are two essential requirements:
- It has to be something unexpected.
- It has to be something good that affects you or someone you love directly, with no downside.
Regarding where joy lies on the pleasure-pain scale, he said it is highly pleasurable, intensely pleasurable. When it triggers, it’s usually a 9 or 10 on the pleasure scale (10 is max pleasure). The better the outcome, and the more unexpected it is, the more intense the joy.
Joy is personal. He hasn’t felt joy for unexpected good things happening to others.
Events in his own life that he remembers as causing him joy:
Just today [February 22, 2006], when a traffic ticket was dismissed. (He had to make a court appearance for a moving violation by his car.)
[I guess the timing of my call was fortunate, because even though I didn’t know about the traffic ticket or court appearance when I called, he had felt intense joy earlier that day as a result of that traffic ticket being dismissed. That made it easy for him to realize that I had missed the joy emotion when I read him my then list of eight emotions and asked if I had missed anything.]
The first time he won a wrestling match. (In high-school he was on the wrestling team.)
The time he got a date with a desirable girl who he thought would turn him down.
He was thrilled the first time he skied down a real hill, but it wasn’t that unexpected. (He says he uses the word thrill to mean a joy that is less intense because the outcome was not completely unexpected.)
So, given the above information about the joy feeling, what is its purpose? Initially I was puzzled about its purpose, but it now seems rather obvious to me: The purpose of the joy feeling is to encourage risk taking by rewarding it with the joy feeling when a good outcome results. Apparently, one of the effects of the joy feeling is that it can act as an antidote for the fear feeling, because my brother-in-law, who also has an allocation for fear, said how he felt some fear while skiing down that hill the first time, but he knew that the joy feeling was waiting for him if he succeeded.
I don’t really know about the prevalence of the joy feeling in the general population or in the two genders. However, given its purpose to encourage risk taking, it seems likely that on average it is more heavily allocated to men than women. Also, as I think about it, on average men like to gamble more than women, and perhaps in many cases a man who likes to gamble also has an allocation for the joy feeling, and he knows that if he wins against the odds he will get a reward: the joy feeling.
According to my niece, Melanie, the loneliness feeling can be loneliness for the company of others in general, or loneliness for a specific person or kind of person, and, in particular, loneliness for a mate. She said that loneliness is closest to the depression feeling in how it feels, so this means that loneliness is a painful, unpleasant feeling.
Given the very narrow and specific focus of the loneliness feeling, its purpose is very obvious: The purpose of the loneliness feeling is to promote and encourage socialization and mating.
I have felt anger many times in my life, and I have felt anger at many different intensity levels: ranging from feeling just a little angry, all the way up to feeling so intensely angry that I am almost completely taken over by it and it’s a real struggle for me to retain control over myself. So, I think I have an anger allocation that is at least average for a man of my nationality, and perhaps substantially above average.
Just yesterday (January 22, 2006) I got moderately angry, and after I got home I thought about it a lot, because I was in the middle of writing this footnote about emotions. Here was the triggering cause: I had to drive my mother to a building on the other side of town, and I thought she knew where it was exactly, but it turns out that she didn’t know, and she had me driving around in circles for roughly ten minutes before I got angry about it. In reaction to my own anger, I decided to stop the car and park nearby, with the idea of getting out of the car and just walking into the nearby buildings and asking as needed until we got the right building that she wanted, which is what we did. So, my getting angry served a useful purpose, because it provoked me into changing the current situation of my driving around in circles which was getting us nowhere.
As I thought about it later that day, I realized that anger is similar to depression in that both feelings are expressions of frustration with the current situation. The anger feeling, like the depression feeling, is sent to the awareness with the purpose of provoking the awareness to change the current situation. However, these two different feelings seem to cover different kinds of situations with little overlap, if any, between them.
Regarding what anger feels like, it’s definitely an unpleasant feeling, but not very unpleasant. On the pleasure-pain scale I would have to say that anger, even when I felt extreme anger, was at most only a little painful. Regarding gender difference, anger is more common among men than women. Comparing anger with depression, the low-pain of anger allows one to change the current situation quickly, whereas the immobilizing quality of depression has the opposite effect. Thus, given that anger is more common in men, and depression is more common in women, this adds to the perception of men being active and women being passive.
English seems to lack a single word for the feeling that goes along with laughing—I’m using the phrase laughing feeling for this feeling. Note that words like funny, humorous, and comical, refer to things that cause this feeling, but not the feeling itself. The reason English lacks a word for this laughing feeling is basically the same reason English lacks a word for the crying feeling: the close association of that feeling with an easily seen outward action (laughing and crying, respectively). This means that the feeling is implicit depending on the context when one uses words for that outward action. For example, saying “that made me laugh,” implies that one felt the laughing feeling when laughing.
Although English is lacking, there is still a need for being able to refer to the laughing feeling directly, and likewise for the crying feeling, because one can have the feeling without its associated outward action, as I know from my own experience. For example, I can feel that something is funny—feeling the laughing feeling—without actually laughing about it, although sometimes I do laugh: The more intense the laughing feeling is, the more impetus there is to laugh. At less intense levels, the laughing feeling can result in just a smile or perhaps some chuckling, or no outward show at all.
Like anger, the laughing feeling is a feeling that I have a lot of experience with. I think I have a laughing-feeling allocation that’s about average for a man of my nationality. On the pleasure-pain scale the laughing feeling is mildly pleasurable. Perhaps you’ve heard the expression that goes like this: “I laughed so hard that it hurt.” Well, that has happened to me at least a few times in my life, and the pain referred to is just ordinary body pain caused by the physical strain of prolonged, hard laughing. The laughing feeling itself is never painful.
The laughing feeling has a purpose, of course, so what is its purpose? Arthur Schopenhauer said that finding something funny involves detecting a misapprehension. My Webster’s dictionary defines misapprehension as a failure to interpret correctly; a misunderstanding. I remember analyzing Schopenhauer’s explanation after I first learned about it, back in my mid 20s: I analyzed examples of things I found funny, and I could see that Schopenhauer’s explanation was correct.
In preparation for writing about the laughing feeling, for the last few days I’ve been paying attention to things I found funny. For example, in a subtitled Japanese romance-comedy series that I was watching, here was a scene I found moderately funny: The main character is in a room with several of his friends, and after a setup which I’ve already forgotten, we see him ranting and raving to his friends a completely wrong understanding of something that happened in the previous scene. Of course, for the audience to find that misapprehension funny, we have to be shown in advance what the correct interpretation is—this was done in previous scenes—so that we know with certainty that that main character has gotten things completely wrong. This comedic strategy was used several times in that romance-comedy: The main character was set up for a misunderstanding, but the audience is given the correct interpretation in advance, and then we see that main character emphatically voicing his misunderstanding to others.
A misapprehension can happen in many different ways. For example, an expectation that proves to be wrong is one kind of misapprehension. Last night I watched an anime that had the following scene that I found funny: The main character is told by a second character that he has to join an ongoing battle taking place in a nearby park (these two characters are watching the battle on a video screen). The main character agrees with that suggestion, and the next thing we see is a rocket that out-of-nowhere springs up from the floor, closes around that main character, and then flies him away while he yells and acts surprised at what is happening. I was surprised too, and I laughed a bit. Of course, I was simply using my own expectation for how that main character was going to get to that park, and my expectation did not include a rocket. Thus, I was laughing at my own misapprehension, which was also the misapprehension of that main character, since he was yelling and acting surprised.
This comedic strategy of an expectation that proves to be wrong, has been excessively overused when it comes to exploiting the expectations that we all have of how people move the parts of their body. For example, in past years on American TV, I have seen way too many exaggerated physical movements for me to still laugh at such things. The already mentioned Japanese romance-comedy series, had several such attempts at humor. For example, one scene had two guys in an office spreading out on the floor many pages from a report they had to prepare. Then we see another character walk into that office, and without seeing those pages he starts to walk on them until he is loudly told to get off, at which point we see him react with wildly exaggerated movements, trying to get off those pages on the floor, with the end result that he makes a complete mess of them. I guess if I hadn’t already seen that kind of joke—wild exaggerated movements—a thousand times before on American TV, I might have laughed at it.
In addition to the above examples, a few days ago during my web browsing I came across a joke that made me laugh out loud even though I was in a room by myself. The joke was part of the write-up for a fund-raising auction of a single t-shirt by the file-sharing guys who run The Pirate Bay, which is located in Sweden. The winning bidder has to fly to Sweden at his own expense to collect the t-shirt, but he gets to meet, talk, and have drinks with The Pirate Bay crew. The joke was in the form of a question-answer pair, with a quasi-serious question being answered with a pseudo-serious joke as follows:
Q: If I were to win this shirt, and fly out to see you, wouldn’t you then, in return, have to fly back to visit me to keep your ratio at 1:1?
A: Actually, we would have to travel and visit several people (especially your sister) as we prefer to keep our ratio well above 1.
This question-answer pair has several misapprehensions in it, all of which are deliberate: The first misapprehension is that both the question and answer parts treat the file-sharing upload-download ratio as if it also applies to visits between people. The second misapprehension (in the answer part) turns the idea of reciprocal visits between people (introduced by the question part) into the idea of the guys from The Pirate Bay showing up to have sex with the questioner’s sister. So, this question-answer pair has a real one-two punch in terms of misapprehensions, with the first misapprehension in the question part serving as the setup for an even bigger misapprehension in the answer part. Well, anyway, it certainly made me laugh.
Note that the mind part that determines what is funny is not influenced by whether the misapprehension is deliberate or not. After all, people laugh at jokes all the time knowing full well that they are contrived. Given that the purpose of the laughing feeling is to signal to the awareness, and also to the awareness of others when one outwardly laughs, that there is a misapprehension, this ignoring of the intent of the misapprehension is understandable, because the intent is left for other mind parts to deal with.
The crying feeling, which I have already described in a previous footnote, is a neutral feeling that is neither painful nor pleasant. In terms of its purpose, the crying feeling is like the laughing feeling: both feelings signal something to the awareness, and also to the awareness of others when one outwardly does the action that is closely associated with that feeling. For the laughing feeling, the action is laughing; for the crying feeling, the action is crying or becoming teary eyed. The laughing feeling signals detection of a misapprehension, but the crying feeling is harder to pin down regarding what it is signaling, because, based on my own experience with the crying feeling, it has many different triggering causes, including good things, and also bad things.
It seems that most everyone starts out with a substantial allocation for the crying feeling, because most babies will cry as a signal to others when hungry, or in pain, or experiencing discomfort. Small children are also prone to crying, especially when they suffer physical hurt or injury. For a typical person, probably no later than puberty, at least some of that crying-feeling allocation is reallocated elsewhere, and the things that trigger that crying feeling also change, at least to some extent. In my own case, from my teen years onward, considering how rarely I felt the crying feeling, it seems that by my early teens at the latest, most of my previous allocation for the crying feeling had been reallocated elsewhere.
From my teen years onward, prior to the large decline in my ambition and sexual interest at age 48½ and the consequent reallocation which included a large increase in my crying-feeling allocation, I had only cried or felt like crying four times in my life, and each time it was about something very bad.
After that large increase in my crying-feeling allocation, I have felt the crying feeling many times, sometimes also becoming teary eyed or crying a little, when watching certain things in Japanese anime and non-anime shows. As a rule, at least in my own case, triggering causes seem to be almost exclusively moments when either family togetherness wins against obstacles, or friendship wins against obstacles, or lovers win against obstacles. These are good things that I have the crying feeling for, in sharp contrast to when I had a much smaller allocation for the crying feeling and only certain very bad things were sufficient to trigger that crying feeling.
Based on my own experience with the crying feeling, and also after thinking about examples of when others cry, it appears that the crying feeling is signaling to the awareness that the unconscious mind considers the triggering cause as something important that affects survival within a community. Thus, the purpose of the crying feeling is ultimately to promote community development and stability. Typically, the community is some local community of two or more people, such as family, friends, lovers, fellow workers (a workplace community), and so on.
The neutrality of the crying feeling, being neither painful nor pleasant, is consistent with that feeling being triggered by both good things (things that promote survival within the community), and bad things (things that work against survival within the community). Note that it would be inconsistent if the crying feeling were painful when triggered by a good thing, and likewise inconsistent if the crying feeling were pleasant when triggered by a bad thing. Thus, it’s appropriate that the crying feeling is neither painful nor pleasant.
Given Melanie’s list of triggering causes for the sadness feeling (see the previous footnote), it seems that the common element is a loss of some kind. So, Melanie has felt sad over different kinds of personal loss, including such things as loss of physical possessions, loss of trust (betrayal by strangers and friends), loss of social standing (embarrassment, poor grades), loss of normal physical appearance (being overweight, having acne), loss of normal body integrity (suffering an injury), loss of pets (deaths), loss of freedom (lack of money), loss of other people (deaths), and loss of physical comfort (being cold).
So, the sadness feeling is a signal to the awareness that there has been a loss of some kind, and its ultimate purpose is to encourage the awareness to make decisions that will tend to avoid or lessen future losses. According to my niece, sadness is always painful. This is consistent with the sadness feeling always signaling something bad.
Sadness is an emotion that on average women have more than men. Regarding this gender difference, I recall a quote from a subtitled Japanese drama series I recently downloaded and watched:Women choose life, and men choose death.
The context for the quote was the following: A high-school girl is in love with her math teacher, and he is in love with her, but he has a brain tumor that will soon kill him, and he is against having a low-chance-for-success operation that could keep him alive but leave him with serious brain damage and resulting mental losses. So, he’s against having the operation, but in the end, when he is close to death, his girlfriend, along with an older woman, successfully work together to get him to agree to have the operation (this older woman is the one who says the quote; the story ends with hints of a final happy post-operation outcome in which the two lovers are ultimately together again).
So, what does this quote have to do with the sadness feeling? Well, if one has an allocation for the sadness feeling, sadness is something to be avoided, because sadness is a painful feeling. My niece was saddened by death. So, on that basis alone she would be inclined to choose life-preserving actions for someone close to her, because she knows from her own experience that death makes her sad. The quote was memorable to me because upon hearing it I realized I was thinking like a man, since in the same situation I would choose death too. Since I have never felt sadness myself, I haven’t had the kind of pro-life reinforcement that Melanie has had as a result of her being saddened by death.
In the course of writing this footnote, after I had written the text for the nine emotions listed above, I asked the same friend who more than a year previously had made the point that fear had a purpose, if there was any emotion I had missed. He suggested anxiety, and he made it sound like a real feeling which in his case happens in certain social situations in which he gets this anxiety feeling and wants to flee the scene. Thus, the apparent purpose of this anxiety feeling is to encourage avoidance of certain social situations that pose some kind of difficulty for that person.
I haven’t felt anxiety myself, at least not an intense anxiety like he has sometimes felt, although I do remember having been nervous a few times in my teens when facing certain social situations I didn’t want. For example, I remember that in high-school there were a few times when everyone in the class had to prepare and give a talk to the whole class about some subject approved by the teacher, and I always felt nervous right before having to give my talk. I guess feeling nervous in a social situation is an example of the anxiety feeling.
Regarding anxiety’s place on the pleasure-pain scale, it has to lie on the pain side, because feeling nervous is unpleasant. Presumably, the more intense the anxiety feeling, the worse it feels. Regarding gender difference, it seems that on average the anxiety feeling is more heavily allocated to women than men, because displays of high anxiety levels, including such things as so-called panic attacks, seem to be more common among women than men.
For the ten emotions listed above, seven emotions—depression, happiness, fear, loneliness, the crying feeling, sadness, and anxiety—are each on average more heavily allocated to women than men, and the other three emotions—anger, joy, and the laughing feeling—are each on average more heavily allocated to men than women.
Some readers may wonder why I didn’t include love in the above list of emotions. The reason is that there is no specific unique feeling associated with being in love. In other words, one doesn’t know that one’s in love by virtue of having the love feeling, because there is no specific love feeling. Instead, being in love is typically characterized by such things as thinking a lot about the loved one, and being strongly attracted to that loved one. (As an aside about love: In my latter twenties I read a magazine article in which the author remarked that everyone falls in love 2½ times in their life, and she was basing it on her own experience and the experience of her friends. I have long since forgotten what that article was about, but that remark about falling in love 2½ times has been memorable for me, because it was also true in my own case: I had fallen in love a total of three different times, and my last time was only about half as intense as the first two times. I am now much older than when I read that article, but that ½ love I had in my early mid 20s is still the last time I was in love. I guess the reason the last love is less intense is because it’s a transition from full love to no love.)
In general, this same kind of argument can be used to reject other things that one might think of as being an emotion. For example, hate is not an emotion because there is no specific unique feeling associated with hating something or someone. Anger is probably the one emotion that people will most often associate with hate, but anger is not hate. If one has an allocation for anger, one may feel anger at different times against the hated object. However, one could truthfully say that they hate something or someone even if they never feel anger towards that hated object, because hate is an intellectual judgment in the sense of being a statement of strong opposition or rejection.
In addition to love and hate, by using the same kind of argument none of the following are emotions either: pride, kindness, gratitude, appreciation, veneration, despair, hope, cowardice, bravery, jealousy, envy, affection, friendship. You can probably add to this list of non-emotions, since it’s far from complete.
This other-feelings category is a catchall category for any feeling that is neither a body feeling nor an emotion. More specifically, other than body feelings and emotions, any feeling that serves as a signal from the unconscious mind to the awareness—alerting the awareness to whatever it is one is having that feeling about—can be put in this other-feelings category. This category includes such miscellaneous items as:
- intuition and so-called hunches or gut feelings;
- the feeling that you have forgotten something without being able to consciously remember what exactly it is that you have forgotten;
- the feeling that something is different from what you remember, without consciously knowing what exactly is different. For example, feeling that a person you haven’t seen in a while is different, without consciously knowing what is different (perhaps that person’s hair was cut or colored differently, or something like that).
Feel free to add to this list of other feelings as needed.
 Based on my own experience so far (I am writing this footnote in June 2006 at age 50½), the reallocations that happened to me in my middle age have mostly been used to fill in allocation deficits I had. Thus, as a result of those reallocations I am now closer to being average for a man of my age and nationality.
The reallocations that happened to me were not subject to my conscious control or wishes. But if I had a choice then (and not knowing what I know now as a result of the reallocations that happened to me), I would have used all the allocation losses from my sexual mind part and elsewhere to improve my intelligence. The improvement of my memory was something I would have consciously wanted, but not at the expense of losing my ability to intensely concentrate, which is what happened. Also, I certainly would not have chosen my sense of smell or my game-playing ability for improvement, but that is where a substantial part of the reallocations went.
Given that allocation changes are not subject to conscious control or influence, the question for reallocations is what are the guiding factors that the unconscious mind uses to determine how a given reallocation is distributed among the mind parts. More specifically, which mind part, or parts, get the awareness-particle input channels recently lost by some other mind part. Perhaps the most important guiding factor, which overrides other factors, is what may be called use it or lose it. In effect, for each mind part that can get an allocation of awareness-particle input channels, that mind part will typically get at some point in a given person’s current life cycle a substantial allocation for that mind part, because otherwise, if too much time passes without that mind part getting an adequate allocation, the evolutionary forces at work in that person’s mind may eventually change that mind part to lose its capacity to accept or use an allocation (more specifically, by evolutionary forces I mean the learned-program mechanism described in section 3.6). Thus, in effect, use it or lose it.
Given that the human life cycle begins around the time of birth and ends around the time of rebirth into the next human life, I guess that in a typical life cycle for at least most of us, for all the mind parts that can get an allocation of awareness-particle input channels, each of those mind parts will at some point in that life cycle get a substantial allocation.
As a rule, to avoid the use it or lose it danger, body-related mind parts, especially those mind parts that are inactive in the lucid-dream stage of the afterlife, including the senses of smell, touch, and taste, will need their allocations when the body is still present. For non-body-related mind parts, such as all the intellectual mind parts and the emotional mind parts, substantial allocations for these mind parts can be postponed until the afterlife period, between death and rebirth. It is probably typical for each person in their afterlife period to have maximum allocations for all or nearly all of the intellectual and emotional mind parts, but not necessarily maximum allocations all at the same time or for the same duration.
In general, it is probably typical that the less one has of a particular intellectual ability or emotion during the current embodied life, the more likely that one will have during the afterlife a maximum or near maximum allocation for that intellectual or emotional mind part, and for a longer duration than would have been the case otherwise. Thus, for example, a woman who couldn’t add two plus two when she was alive, is probably more likely during her afterlife to have a maximum allocation for math ability for a longer duration than someone who was good in math while alive. Having a maximum allocation for the math mind part (or whatever mind parts work together to give math ability) would give her a math ability—but presumably not the math knowledge unless she works it out herself or gets it from others—comparable to that of the greatest human mathematicians.
Within the current life cycle, regarding an emotion’s time-averaged allocation level during embodied life, and then during the afterlife: Assuming that the less one has a given emotion in embodied life, the more one will have that emotion in the afterlife, it follows that averaging for all women over their entire afterlife period, and averaging for all men over their entire afterlife period, that in the afterlife, women tend to have more the emotional makeup of men, and men tend to have more the emotional makeup of women.
Regarding gender and the physical body, Ian Stevenson’s book, Where Reincarnation and Biology Intersect (op. cit.), left me with the impression that it’s typical for a person to have many lives in a row as the same gender, before eventually switching to the opposite gender. Typically somewhere between ten to forty lives before switching. This is my crude estimate based on the limited relevant data given in his book. Note that this very long time between having the other gender’s body is not a problem for the construction of that new body, because, with the possible exception of constructing parts of the brain (assuming the mind’s bions were brain bions in the previous embodiment), the mind that passes from one life to the next is not directly responsible for constructing the new body. Instead, it is probably typical that the new body is constructed mostly by recently abandoned bions that were last used in human bodies of the same gender as the new body.
Regarding having a suitable mental and emotional makeup for the new life as the opposite gender, given what’s said above about how all the intellectual abilities and emotions are fully exercised during a typical life cycle, it follows that whenever one switches to the opposite gender, one’s mind is already fully prepared to support an allocation plan that gives an intellectual and emotional makeup consistent with that gender. Whether or not one actually gets an allocation plan consistent with that gender depends on other factors, including the unconscious mind’s intention for that new life.
Stevenson’s book details about half-a-dozen reincarnation cases where the child was the opposite gender in its remembered previous life (for example, a girl remembering her previous life as a man). In these cases that Stevenson details, typically for that child there is some significant carryover from the previous life in terms of that child’s attitudes and preferences, the most common of which (based on those cases in his book) is a preference for wearing the opposite gender’s clothing (for example, a girl who remembers being a man in her previous life, wanting to dress like a boy). Perhaps this cross-dressing preference is primarily due to that child wanting to identify with its remembered previous life, or perhaps it’s primarily due to that child’s current allocation plan, or perhaps both factors are contributing to that child’s cross-dressing preference. Most children, of course, have no conscious memory of their previous life. So, for most children, even if they were the opposite gender in their previous life, they are probably less likely on average to want to cross-dress than those children who actually remember their previous life as the opposite gender.
Assuming it’s typical to switch genders after many lives in a row as the same gender, it seems reasonable to suppose that on average, due to force of habit from the preceding string of lives as the same gender, that the likelihood of getting an allocation plan that makes one effeminate (if one’s preceding string of lives was female), or masculine (if one’s preceding string of lives was male), or homosexual, or bisexual, is different for a switch life than for a non-switch life. More specifically, if one divides the currently alive human population into the following categories:
The rates of homosexuality and bisexuality should be greater in group 2 than in group 1. The rate of effeminacy (having mental qualities considered feminine) should be greatest in group 1B. The ordering, from highest rate of effeminacy to lowest: 1B, 2B, 2A, 1A. The rate of masculinity (having mental qualities considered masculine) should be greatest in group 1A. The ordering, from highest rate of masculinity to lowest: 1A, 2A, 2B, 1B.
 Presumably, in terms of the underlying mental programs of the unconscious mind, different people have the same or nearly the same programming. The justification for this presumed sameness is given in section 9.6 as follows:
This explanation for human mental differences, that they result primarily from differences in how the awareness-particle input channels have been allocated, means that humanity as a whole can share the same underlying programming of the mind parts. This greatly lessens the burden placed on the learned-program mechanism and its associated sharing mechanism (section 3.6), because there is no need to suggest that there are many substantially different versions of human mental programming, and likewise there is no need to suggest that human mental differences result from localized evolution of an individual’s mental programming over a short time frame.
However, evolution is an ongoing process, so, for humanity as a whole to remain in synch with itself in terms of everyone having the same or nearly the same underlying mind parts and programming of those mind parts, there must be some kind of sharing process involving our unconscious minds, that, in effect, judges evolutionary changes to mental programs and applies a selection process to those changes, with an end result that over time each person replaces some or all of their mental programs with better versions that evolved elsewhere in one or more other human minds. Regarding this sharing process and how it might work, I imagine the following two extremes:
In this sharing process, all sharing is on an individual basis. Each unconscious mind decides for itself the sharing details, including what (which of its mental programs are replaced), when (when is the replacement done), and who (from which other unconscious mind is the replacement code copied; this assumes that the other unconscious mind will cooperate to whatever extent its cooperation is needed for the wanted copy operation to be done).
In this sharing process, everyone is in competition with everyone else to supply the next update of humanity’s mental programs. In this competition, there is only one winner: whoever is judged as having the overall best mental programming. This winner becomes the source from which everyone else will copy and replace their current mental programs. A few points worth considering:
The frequency of these competitions would presumably be somewhat dependent on the average rate of evolutionary change in individual human minds. The faster and more quickly human minds on average diverge from each other, the more frequent these competitions would have to be, assuming that excessive fragmentation of humanity due to evolved program differences is to be avoided. I don’t know what the relevant evolutionary rate is, so I don’t know whether the average time between successive competitions is measured in thousands of years, or millions of years, or some other unit.
Presumably this competition is not subject to direct conscious control or influence. Thus, there won’t be any council of elders in the afterlife deciding who wins, or any such imaginary conscious involvement in the selection process. Instead, the selection process is managed by our unconscious minds which communicate with each other. Note that conscious control over the selection process is impossible, because we have no conscious control of the program-sharing mechanism that would do the actual copying and replacement of mental programs. Thus, no one can consciously force the selected winner’s mental programs to be copied to other minds.
Presumably, this group-level selection process is itself an evolutionary result, and its programming is in one or more of our mind parts. Thus, if one traces back far enough in the evolutionary history of our mental programs, originally there was no group-level selection. Insofar as when it began, if this group-level selection process was already in the mental programs inherited from the Caretakers at humanity’s beginning, then one would have to trace back before humanity began, and even back before the Caretakers began if they themselves also inherited it.
After I first thought of this group-level selection process, I remembered something I read when I was much younger, that mankind cycles thru different ages that grow progressively worse: golden age, silver age, bronze age, iron age; and we are currently in the iron age which is the worst age. Although this idea of ages is clearly fanciful, it could be somewhat true if this group-level selection process is real, and we are near the time of the next winner. Presumably, the nearer to the time of the next winner, the more divergent on average human minds are from each other—divergent in terms of their mental programming—and this results in more disunity and conflict between them, in addition to the usual disunity and conflict that results from different allocation plans and different life circumstances.
Regarding the selection criteria used to pick the winner, your guess is as good as mine. On the surface it may seem that the current competition frontrunners would tend to have notable lives and achievements, such as being rich and famous, or distinguished and extraordinary in some other way. Maybe, but maybe not. Perhaps the real competition frontrunners tend to have very ordinary lives and allocation plans. Well, whatever. There are too many unknowns for me to reach any conclusions about this.
Regardless of whether the actual sharing process for humanity is no group-level selection or maximum group-level selection, or somewhere inbetween, any replacement of one or more of one’s mental programs, whenever it happens, would happen when one is asleep (section 9.3). To minimize interference within a given life cycle, the best time to replace mental programs during that life cycle would be around the time of rebirth, at the end of that life cycle and the beginning of the next.
This glossary defines two different reality models, namely the mathematics-only reality model and the computing-element reality model. For the computing-element reality model, elementary particles exist as blocks of information, and are either common particles or intelligent particles. For common particles, there are at least two classes: p-common particles and d-common particles. For intelligent particles, there are two types: bions and solitons.
An intelligent particle that has no associated awareness. Each cell is inhabited and controlled by a bion. Each adult man or woman has a cooperating population of roughly 50 trillion bions—assuming one bion per cell. The bions of the brain collectively form the mind, and the mind is guided by a soliton.
A particle that has relatively simple state information, consisting only of attribute values. This simplicity allows the interactions between common particles to be expressed with mathematical equations. Prime examples of common particles are electrons, photons, and quarks.
The computing-element reality model states that the universe’s particles are controlled by computers. Specifically, the computing-element reality model states that the universe is a vast, space-filling, three-dimensional array of tiny, identical, computing elements.
A computing element is a self-contained computer, with its own memory. Each computing element is connected to other computing elements, and each computing element runs its own copy of the same large and complex program—called the computing-element program.
Each elementary particle in the universe exists only as a block of information that is stored as data in the memory of a computing element. Thus, all particles are both manipulated as data and moved about as data by these computing elements. Consequently, the reality that people experience is a computer-generated virtual reality.
The common particles observed during a lucid-dream out-of-body experience. These d-common particles do not interact with p-common particles.
A particle whose complex state information typically includes learned programs, and data used by those learned programs. In general, because of this complexity, it is not possible to express with mathematical equations the interactions involving intelligent particles.
The mathematics-only reality model is, at the end of the 20th century, the reality model of science. This is a very restrictive reality model that rejects as impossible any particle whose interactions cannot be described with mathematical equations. Because the equations of physics can be computed, everything allowed by the mathematics-only reality model is also allowed by the computing-element reality model.
The common particles of physics. Specifically, the electrons, quarks, photons, and other elementary particles of physics.
An intelligent particle that has an associated awareness. Each person has a single soliton. This soliton is the location of the separate, solitary awareness that each person experiences. The soliton in each person interacts with the bions of the brain that collectively form the mind.
The above references are for those books that I specifically mention and/or quote from. The above references do not include the books that I used when writing some of the various descriptive parts in this book, such as the descriptions of cell division, brain structure, neurons, and other descriptions of biological structures and processes. When writing these descriptive parts, which I have written in my own words, I typically drew from multiple sources so as to have confidence that the information I was using was correct and widely accepted as factual.